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BRONZE   CAMILLUS. 

New  York.     Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art. 

(p.  46.) 


66 


The 
Camillus"-Type  in  Sculpture 


BY 

LEILA  CLEMENT  SPAULDING 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements 

FOR  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy 

in  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy 

Columbia  University 


Press  or 

The  New  era  printing  Company 

Lancaster.  Pa 

1911 


CONTENTS 

Fagb 

Intkoductioit 1 

Part  i.     The  "  Camillus  "-type  in  Belief  Sculpture. 

A.  Greek  Sculpture 14 

B.  Roman  Reliefs 23 

Part  ii.     Statues  Representing  the  "  Camillus  "-type.  . .  44 

Conclusion 63 

Bibliography 64 

Life 65 


ui 


226922 


ABBEEVIATIO^S  m  I^OTES 

Eossbach  =  A.  Rossbach,  Eomisclie  Hochzeits-  imd  Ehedenk- 

maler,  Leipzig,  1871. 
Strong  =  Mrs.  A.  Strong,  Roman  Sculpture,  IT.  Y.,  1907. 
Wilpert  =  G.  Wilpert,  Un  capitolo  di  storia  del  vestiario, 

Parte  II,  IV   Studio.      Obiezioni  contro  I'origine  ec- 

clesiastica  del  pallio  sacro:  suo  simbolismo, — in  L'Arte 

II,  1899,  p.  1  ff. 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Roman  Camilltjs 

The  rite  of  sacrifice  is  included  among  the  earliest  con- 
ceptions of  "nature-religions."  To  conceive  of  supernatural 
powers  was  to  propitiate  them  with  a  gift.  Primitive  man 
sacrificed  to  his  primitive  gods  with  simple  ceremonies.  With 
the  evolution  of  society,  however,  forms  and  ceremonies  mul- 
tiplied and  these  demanded  special  training  in  religious  tradi- 
tion on  the  part  of  those  who  offered  sacrifice.  The  simple 
character  of  an  early  stage  of  nature-worship  gave  place  to  a 
more  elaborate  and  often  less  convincing  ritual. 

Our  earliest  definite  knowledge  of  Roman  religion  shows 
the  presence  of  many  gods  which  are  little  more  than  "  names 
for  powers."^  Though  the  human  element  which  gave  Greece 
so  rich  a  mythology  was  lacking,  a  ceremonial  had  developed 
which  implied  a  genuine  and  implicit  belief  in  these  almost 
unknown  deities.  "In  the  careful  and  conscientious  fulfil- 
ment of  the  form  consisted  the  whole  duty  of  man  toward  his 
gods."^  But  if  one  would  understand  the  religious  conditions 
of  a  people,  their  social  and  moral  organization  must  be  re- 
garded. The  group  of  human  units  which  is  bound  together 
by  a  common  religious  cult  is  one  in  which  the  members 
have  mutual  social  and  moral  obligations.  Such  a  group  is 
found  in  the  family  and  naturally  this  was  the  dominant 
unit  in  early  Roman  society.  "  The  centre,  therefore,  of  early 
religious  life  is  the  family  and  the  state  as  the  macrocosm  of 
the  family;  and  the  father  of  the  family  is  its  chief  priest, 
and  the  king  as  father  of  the  state  is  the  chief  priest  of  the 
state."^ 

*J.  B.  Carter,  Eeligion  of  Numa,  p.  6. 

'lUd.,  p.  7. 

'Ibid.,  pp.  11,  12.  For  this  discussion  it  is  not  necessary  to  consider 
a  still  earlier  period  of  society  when  the  curia  rather  than  the  family 
was  the  real  unit. 

1 


To  the  family,  then,  we  must  look  for  the  origin  of  essen- 
tial features  in  worship  such  as  sacrifice  and  its  due  obser- 
vance. With  no  certain  knowledge  of  those  far-off  times, 
before  a  ''  state "  was  born,  we  follow  the  traditions  of  his- 
toric Rome  back  to  a  possible  beginning.  In  the  simple  agri- 
cultural life  of  the  early  days  the  father  of  a  family  in  the 
most  natural  way  would  take  up  the  duties  of  a  priest.  Doubt- 
less the  recurring  seasons  suggested  offerings  to  those  gods 
who  might,  if  they  chose,  injure  crops  and  herds;  perhaps, 
even,  some  portion  of  the  family-meal  was  day  by  day  put 
aside  in  honor  of  unseen  but  dreaded  powers.  So  might  the 
Roman  lad  who  watched  all  this  ask  its  purpose  and,  hearing 
of  mysterious  deities  who  demanded  propitiation,  might  come 
to  share  in  his  father's  belief.  Likewise,  the  daughter,  busy 
about  the  hearth,  may  have  grown  almost  unconsciously  into 
the  service  of  the  Hearth-goddess  as  she  shared  with  her 
mother  the  duty  of  keeping  the  home-fire  burning.  Thus, 
in  all  naturalness  and  simplicity,  the  home  became  a  training- 
school  for  "  priestly "  offices  and  generation  after  generation 
absorbed  the  spirit  of  Roman  religion  and  its  growing  ritual 
simultaneously  with  paternal  teaching  concerning  fields  and 
flocks  or  maternal  instruction  as  to  spinning  and  weaving. 

The  steps  are  familiar  by  which  the  state,  "the  macro- 
cosm," drew  to  itself  such  interest  and  loyalty  as  had  been 
centered  in  the  home.  Gradually  land  holdings  grew  less; 
families  were  increasingly  bound  together  by  proximity  and 
intermarriage ;  Rome  herself  was  being  evolved  and  in  her 
essential  elements  she  was  only  a  Roman  family.  Therefore, 
when  she  chose  a  chief  priest,  the  choice  involved  his  wife 
and  children.  Assistants  hitherto  in  the  worship  of  the 
family,'*  these  sons  and  daughters  came  with  dignity  and  con- 
fidence to  aid  their  father  in  public  sacrifice.  "With  the  growth 
of  the  city  and  the  increasing  number  of  gods,  domestic  and 
foreign,  it  must  have  happened  now  and  again  that  a  priest 

•  Tibullus  I,  10,  23-24. 


came  to  his  office  without  any  son  who  could  serve  him.  Then 
he  must  choose  a  helper  from  another  home  and  train  him  to 
the  duties  that  would  have  fallen  to  the  heir.  So,  whether 
bom  to  the  office  or  appointed  thereto,  a  class  of  priestly  at- 
tendants was  to  be  found  in  Rome  of  noble  birth  and  of 
both  sexes  as  the  service  of  god  or  goddess  might  require  a 
lad  or  a  little  maid.  What  should  we  call  these  children  so 
set  apart  for  religious  duties?  May  we  follow  the  sugges- 
tion of  Servius:^  "for  the  boys  and  girls,  attendants  at  the 
sacrifices,  they  called  camilli  and  camillae  "  P 

The  word  camillus  {camilla)  is  used  seldom  in  Latin  writ- 
ings and  then  by  antiquarians  and  scholiasts.  The  only  ex- 
ception to  this  is  a  quotation  from  an  old  folk-song  which  was 
sung  before  a  written  language  was  used  at  Rome,®  and  in 
which  a  father  thus  instructs  his  son : 

"  Eiberno  pulvere,  verno  luto,  grandia  farra,  Camille,  metes  ""^ 
Festus  quotes  this  line  as  proof  that  the  word  camillus,  ac- 
cording to  one  theory,  was  once  equivalent  to  puer:  he  has, 
however,  previously  presented  another  theory,  namely  that  all 
attendants  were  called  camilli  in  olden  times,  for  the  flaminir 
us  camillus  appears  to  be  the  especial  attendant  of  the  flam^n 
Dialis.  He  further  defines  the  camillus  as  puer  ingenuus^  and 
derives  the  word  from  casmilos,  an  attendant  at  sacrifices.^ 
This  underlying  idea  of  service  is  confirmed  by  Varro's  com- 
ment^" on  a  line  from  the  Medea  of  Pacuvius : 

"  Caelitum  Camilla,  exspectata  advenis,  salve,  hospita." 
"The  commentators,"  he  says,  "have  rightly  interpreted 
Camilla  as  attendant:  it  should  be  added  (an  attendant)  in 
those  matters  which  are  somewhat  mysterious  (occultiora)  : 

^Ad  Aen.  XL,  558. 
« Macrob.,  Sat.  V,  20,  18. 

» Quoted  by  Festus,  Be  Sign.  Verb.,  VI  (69),  p.  93;  Serv.  ad  Georg. 
I,  101 ;  Macrob.,  Sat.  V.  20,  18. 
« Festus  III  (33),  p.  43. 
»76td.,  Ill  (48),  p.  63. 
"VII,  34. 


so  at  weddings,  he  is  called  camiUus  who  carries  a  cumerum 
wherein  is  something  not  known  to  the  uninitiated." 

Later,  the  commentator  Servius  quotes  the  line  from  the 
old  song  mentioned  above,  in  connection  with  the  phrase 
"hiherno  .  .  .  pulvere"  in  the  first  Georgic.^^  He  adds 
"CamiUus  adulescens  est."  In  connection  with  princess 
Camilla  in  the  eighth  and  eleventh  books  of  the  Aeneid,  Ser- 
vius refers  to  the  Etruscan  camillus  as  equivalent  to  Mer- 
curius,  for  which  reason  Camilla  was  a  well-chosen  name  for 
the  attendant  of  Diana. ^^  Quoting  the  line  from  Pacuvius' 
Medea,  he  adds,  "  the  Romans  termed  noble  young  lads  and 
maidens  camilli  and  camillae,  the  attendants  of  the  flamines 
and  flaminicae."^^  Later,  he  makes  a  still  more  general  state- 
ment:^^ "Camilla  is  so  called  as  though  an  attendant  (as 
has  been  explained  above) :  for  boys  and  girls  in  attendance 
at  sacrifices  were  called  camilli  and  camillae,  whence  also 
Mercury  in  the  Etruscan  language  is  called  Camillus,  as  if  an 
attendant  of  the  gods." 

From  these  references  we  learn  that  the  camilli  and  camil- 
lae were  youthful  and  noble  attendants  upon  sacrificial  rites. 
Two  definite  functions  are  mentioned:  attendance  on  the 
-flamen  and  his  wife,  and  carrying  the  mysterious  cumerum 
at  marriages.  Varro  limits  the  use  of  the  word  to  attendants 
in  his  quae  occuUiora,  but  Festus  thinks  the  term  may  have 
been  applied  to  all  attendants,  and  even  mentions  a  current 
theory  {alii  dicunt)  that  it  was  once  merely  a  synonym  for 
boy.  A  natural  development  in  the  use  of  the  word  may  be 
traced.  Originally  applied  to  the  boy  who  served  or  helped 
his  father  (as  in  the  old  song),  the  word  was  later  used  of 
the  "server  of  the  city"  par  excellence,  the  son  or  adopted 

^Ad  Georg.  I,  101. 

"^d  Aen.  VII,  803;  XI,  543. 

^  Cf.  Macrob.,  Sat.  Ill,  8,  and  Wissowa  (J?f?.  und  Eultus  der  Bomer, 
p.  425  in  Miillor's  Handhuch  V,  4)  "iin  Eitiml  des  flamen  Dialis  und 
dpr  Flamivica  hat  sioh,  wie  so  vieles  Urspriingliche,  auch  der  alte  Name 
diespr  Ministranten  cainillus  bezw,  Camilla  erhalten. 

**  See  Note  5. 


attendant  of  the  city's  father-priest,  the  flamen  Dialis.  As 
the  flamen  and  flaminica  represented  fatherhood  and  mother- 
hood busy  in  public  priestly  functions,  so  the  flaminiiis  camil- 
lus  and  the  Camilla  represented  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the 
city-state  in  attendance  at  the  city  altars.  The  presence  of 
the  camillus  with  the  cumerum  at  marriages  is  in  accordance 
with  his  relations  to  the  flamen  Dialis.  In  every  marriage 
by  confarreatio,  the  only  form  recognised  under  patrician  rule, 
sacrifice  was  offered  by  the  Pontifex  Maximus  and  the  flamen 
Dialis.  With  the  latter  would  be  present  at  this,  as  at  every 
sacrifice,  his  son  or  aide  holding  the  box  with  offerings. 

We  cannot  determine  the  chronology  of  the  establishment 
of  priesthoods:  as  deities  multiplied,  special  servants  were 
appointed  for  them,  and  these  brought  to  their  sacred  duties 
sons  trained  to  their  aid.  The  attendant  of  the  flamen  Dialis, 
as  son  of  the  highest  religious  official  in  the  state,  may  have 
been  at  first  the  "  camillus."  But  that  this  word  was  applied 
to  other  priestly  attendants  in  due  time,  the  phrase  flaminius 
camillus  would  indicate.  In  the  last  century  of  the  Republic, 
Varro  hints  that  special  sanctity  had  attached  to  this  term 
"  camillus  " :  it  was  significant  of  those  youths  who  ministered 
in  connection  with  mysteries, — that  is,  at  sacrifices.  Later, 
Festus  states  quite  simply  that  the  original  meaning  of  the 
word  was  equivalent  to  minister,  but  adds  the  opinion  of  some 
that  it  was  not  merely  minister  but  puer.  The  probable  der- 
ivation of  the  term^^  suggests  the  former  meaning  and  so 

^'  The  derivation  of  the  word  camillus  from  the  Greek  gamelios  appears 
to  be  based  on  a  false  interpretation  of  Festus  III  (48),  p.  63,  "  camelis 
virginibus  supplicare  nupturae  solitae  erant"  (cf.  Zeyss,  Ztschr.  fiir 
vgl.  Spr.  XIX,  p.  186  ff.)-  There  is  no  authority  known  at  present  for 
its  derivation  from  a  Skt.  root  (cf.  Schweizer-Sidler,  Ztschr.  fiir  vgl. 
Spr.  I,  572  and  Zeyss,  op.  cit.)  nor  from  the  Ir.  cumal,  Kamuld,  Dien- 
erin  (cf.  Fick,  Vgl.  JVorterb.  II*,  70).  The  evidence  offered  by  Varro 
(VII,  34),  Dionysius  (II,  22)  and  Festus  (III  (48),  p.  63,  cumeravi; 
cf.  Plut.,  Numa  VII;  Serv.  ad  Aen.  XI,  543)  suggests  a  non-Latin 
origin  for  the  word  and  ascribes  to  it  the  idea  of  service. 

Most  probable  is  the  theory  which  relates  the  word  to  Tcadmiloi  or 


confirms  our  conclusions  as  to  the  history  of  the  use  of  this 
word  camillus.  We  may  feel  justified  in  applying  the  word 
primarily  to  those  youths  and  maidens  who  shared  in  sacri- 
fices and  who  may  be  distinguished  from  the  groups  of  child- 
ren that  sang  or  marched  in  festival  processions.^^ 

As  has  been  said,  the  word  camillus  is  used  chiefly  by 
antiquarians  among  Latin  writers.  The  earliest  reference 
of  the  kind  is  Varro's  comment^^  on  the  line  from  Pacuvius' 
Medea  and  he  thinks  it  necessary  to  explain  the  use  of  the 
word  Camilla  there,  although  he  adds  that  "  Camillus  is  used 
(dicitur)  of  attendants  at  marriages."  Apparently  the  word 
is  not  entirely  unkno^vn  to  the  Romans  of  Varro's  day,  but 
is  not  common  and  has  already  a  flavor  of  archaism.  That 
it  soon  disappeared  from  the  priestly  vocabulary  is  suggested 
by  its  non-appearance  in  inscriptions.  In  the  Acta  of  the 
Arval  Brothers  (during  the  years  80-241  A.D.  only)  ap- 
pears the  phrase  "  pueri  ingenui  patrimi  et  matHm,i  senor 
torum  fill  "^"^  and  the  duties  of  these  boys  are  such  as  we  as- 
sociate with  camilli.  Hence  the  past  tense  {dicehatur)  used 
by  Festus^^  when  he  defines  the  jlaminius  camillus:  the  ex- 
pression is  of  interest  to  him  as  an  obsolete  term  which  has 

hasmiloi,  "ministrierende  Knaben  bei  den  Samothrak.  Mysterien"  (A. 
Walde,  Lot.  Etym.  Worterh.  p.  88).  These  mysteries  of  Samothrace  were 
in  honor  of  the  Pelasgian  Eabeiroi,  while  Kadmilos,  Kasmilos,  and 
Kamilos  are  names  applied  to  the  Pelasgian  Hermes,  fourth  member  of 
the  Cabiric  group  (Sehol.  Ap.  Rhod.  Argon.  I,  917).  The  presence  of 
Pelasgians  in  Etruria  at  an  early  date  is  hardly  to  be  doubted,  though 
their  exact  relation  to  the  Tyrrhenian-Etruscans  is  uncertain  (cf.  J. 
Martha  in  Daremberg  et  Saglio,  Etrusci,  and  Ridgeway,  Early  Age  of 
Greece,  I,  231  et  passim).  In  any  case  it  is  probable  that  Hermes-Ead- 
milos  and  his  attendant  hadmiloi  were  early  introduced  into  Etruria,  and 
that  from  them  the  Romans  obtained  the  word  camillus  with  its  inherent 
idea  of  service.  For  camillus  as  a  nomen  derived  from  Etruria  see 
Schulze,  Ahh.  d.  Kon.  Gesell.  d.  Wissen.  zu  Gottingen,  Phil.-Hist.  Kl., 
Neuc  Folgc  IP,  pp.  290,  322. 

"See  below,  p.  10. 

"C.  7.  L.  VI',  2059-2114,  passim. 

"VI  (69),  p.  93.  Since  Festus  is  based  on  the  Augustan  Flaecus,  we 
may  conclude  that  this  use  of  the  word  was  limited  to  republican  Rome. 


been  replaced  by  the  cumbersome  phrase  of  the  Acta  Frat- 
rum  Arvalium.  The  explanation  of  the  change  may  be  due 
in  part  to  the  breaking  down  of  barriers  between  patricians 
and  plebeians.  Originally  the  very  word  camillus  implied 
the  son  of  a  marriage  by  confarreatio  and  hence  between 
patricians.  But  as  other  forms  of  marriage  came  to  be  em- 
ployed by  patricians,  and  as  plebeians  entered  upon  reli- 
gious service,  these  qualities  could  no  longer  be  taken  for 
granted:  hence  the  more  specific  description  of  the  priest's 
attendant. 

For  convenience  we  may  use  the  term  camillus  in  discus- 
sing this  whole  subject  of  the  priestly  acolyte:  we  must  bear 
in  mind,  however,  that  the  word  would  need  explanation  to 
a  Roman  of  the  Imperial  period,  though  the  functions  of 
the  camillus  were  the  same  under  the  later  and  more  elabor- 
ate title. 1^ 

From  the  statements  of  Latio.  writers  already  quoted  we 
obtain  a  general  conception  of  the  qualifications  necessary 
for  such  attendants  at  sacrifice.  These  children  must  be 
patrimi  et  matrimi^^  or  in  other  words,  both  parents  must  be 
living.  ^^  The  converse  of  this  condition  was  found  in 
Messenia,  where  the  priesthood  of  Hera  must  be  vacated  if 
a  child  of  the  priest  or  priestess  died.^^  All  such  require- 
ments would  seem  to  originate  in  the  feeling  that  the  priest 
and  his  attendants  must  represent  the  immortals  on  earth,  and 
also  in  the  always-prevailing  dread  of  death  as  of  something 
unclean  and  ill-omened.  Servius^^  adds  to  the  definition  of 
patrimi  et  matrimi — "children  of  a  marriage  by  confar- 
reatio/^    Since  originally  flamines  maiores  had  to  be  born 

"  The  word  was  preserved  as  a  Eoman  cognomen,  e.  g.  M.  Furius 
Camillus  in  C.  I.  L.  XIV,  256,  73 ;  ef .  VP,  14305. 

=»  See  Note  18. 

=^Cf.  Greek  ampMthaleis,  Dion.  II,  22;  defined  in  Poll.  Ill,  25;  Schol. 
Ar.,  Aves,  1733;  Plato,  De  Legg.  XI,  p.  927  D;  ApoUon.,  Lex.  Homer. 
p.  103. 

-  Pans.  IV,  12,  6. 

'^Ad  Georg.  I,  31. 


8 

from  such  a  marriage,  this  would  be  a  natural  requirement 
for  their  assistants  and  a  matter  of  course  for  their  sons. 
As  the  phrase  patnmi  et  matrimi  is  usually  applied  to  child- 
ren who  are  associated  with  religious  rites,  the  probabilities 
are  in  favor  of  Servius'  interpretation.  After  the  passage 
of  the  Lex  Ogulnia,  the  single  word  camillus  may  have 
seemed  insufficient  to  distinguish  patricians  from  plebeians,^* 
80  the  yueri  patrimi  et  matrimi  came  to  be  substituted  for 
it.  Presently  ingenui  was  added^^  to  differentiate  these  boys 
from  libertini  who  were  beginning  to  share  in  religious  cer- 
emonies. A  similar  idea  is  expressed  by  Servius^^  with  the 
word  nohiles  and  emphasized  by  Athenaeus^^  when  he  says 
that  among  the  Romans,  boys  of  noblest  birth  serve  as  wine 
pourers  at  sacrifices. 

The  history  of  Rome's  development  makes  probable  the 
hereditary  nature  of  priesthoods  and  consequently  of  the 
ministrant's  office.  Dionysius^^  states  the  usual  method  of 
children's  initiation  by  their  parents  into  the  sacred  rites  and 
then  gives  a  more  specific  account  of  the  choice  "  from  other 
households"  to  be  made  by  the  childless.  So  Servius^^  tells 
us  of  those  whose  ancestors  were  priests  and  how  in  ancient 
times  sacred  offices  were  hereditary. 

The  age  of  the  camillus  is  nowhere  limited  by  other  than 
the  most  general  terms  for  a  youth.  Festus  calls  him  puer,^^ 
a  term  applied  to  children  up  to  seventeen  years  of  age.  This 
is  also  the  conception  of  Dionysius,^^  who  further  says  that 
a  boy  must  be  "of  the  age  to  serve  in  the  temples"  and  a 

"Marquardt,  Hom.  Staatsverw.  Ill,  p.  228. 

»Festu8  VI  (69),  p.  93;  III  (33),  p.  43.  Cf.  also  Corp.  Gloss.  Lat. 
V,  618,  4,  and  the  definition  of  Patricii  in  Paul.  Diac.  fr.  Festus 
(Muller),  p.  241.    Cf.  Macrob.,  I,  6,  14. 

'*Ad  Aen.  XI,  543.     Cf.  Macrob.,  Ill,  8,  7. 

"I.  (10),  425. 

*II,  22. 

"Ad  Aen.  XT,  768.  Cf.  Cic,  Phil.  XIII,  V,  12;  Suet.,  Nero  2;  Livy 
30,  26,  10  and  27,  6,  16  for  instances  of  inherited  priestly  offices. 

••  See  Note  25.    Cf.  also  Serv.  ad  Aen.  XI,  543,  pueri  et  ptiellae. 


girl  must  be  unmarried.  In  using  the  term  adulescens,  Ser- 
vius^^  suggests  an  older  lad,  one  who  has  passed  his  seven- 
teenth birthday,  sometimes  by  many  years.  But  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  application  in  this  connection  is  to  the  lad  in 
his  teens,  for  Servius  elsewhere^^  calls  the  camilli  investes 
and  impuberes  which  limits  their  years  of  service  to  those 
preceding  the  assumption  of  the  toga  virilis. 

Youthful  and  of  noble  birth,  subject  at  home  to  the  daily 
guidance  of  father  and  mother,  usually  children  of  men  and 
women  engaged  in  priestly  functions,  a  winsome  group  of 
lads  and  maidens  is  added  to  the  picture  that  we  form  of  the 
Eternal  City.  Only  one  hint  do  we  get  of  physical  beauty 
in  the  adjective  "most  pleasing"  by  Dionysius,^^  though 
perhaps  that  is  a  word  caught  from  the  Greek  rather  than 
the  Roman  spirit.  Yet  if  the  Roman  put  less  emphasis  on 
mere  chami  and  grace  of  manner,  we  are  sure  that  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Republic  at  least,  sound  morals  and  simple 
living  produced  sturdy,  wholesome  offspring.  Chaste^^  and 
innocent  must  be  the  flaminius  camillus  to  represent  at  the 
altar  that  virgin  and  spotless  purity  which  was  the  only 
good  quality  that  the  flamen  Dialis  could  not  typify.  So, 
by  degrees,  immortal  youth  and  chaste  innocence  found 
expression  in  an  attendant  boy  or  girl  beside  every  altar. 

For  the  function  of  the  camillus  (or  Camilla)  was  parti- 
cularly that  of  attendance  upon  sacrificial  rites.  The  flami- 
nius camillus  was  a  noble  lad  "qui  flamini  Diali  ad  sacri- 
ficia  praeministrabat."^'^  In  more  general  usage,  the  camilli 
and  camillae  were  still  "  m^hiistros  et  ministras  .  .  .  in 
sacris,'^^^  which  seems  to  imply  that  their  services  related 
always  to  the  most  sacred  duties  of  the  priest,  among  which 
the  offering  of  sacrifice  was  a  crowning  act  of  mystery  and 

«  See  Note  11. 

«^(Z  Aen.  XI,  543,  558.     Cf.  Macrob.  Ill,  8.  7. 

^  Cf .  Colum.  XII,  4,  3. 

^Fest.  VI  (69),  p.  93;  cf.  Serv.  ad  Aen.  XI,  543,  Macrob.  Ill,  8,  7. 

^  See  Note  5. 


10 

devotion.  Thus,  the  phrase  of  Varro^®  "in  his  quae  occul- 
tiora"  points  to  the  association  of  the  camilli  with  the  more 
secret  and  sacred  acts  of  worship.  As  will  appear  later, 
the  evidence  of  sculpture  bears  out  the  conclusion  that  ser- 
vice at  sacrifices  was  the  especial  function  of  these  youths. 
Various  references  occur  in  literature  and  inscriptions  to 
pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi  but  all  of  these  belong  to  a  period 
when  the  word  camillus  had  probably  ceased  to  be  used.  It 
is  therefore  difficult  to  determine  in  which  cases  the  pwert 
are  carrying  on  the  traditions  of  the  camilli  and  in  which  we 
have  simply  a  single  instance  of  public  service.  Such  a  dis- 
tinction seems  not  overdrawn:  one  may  compare,  for  ex- 
ample, the  conditions  in  Greece.  A  priest's  attendant  who 
served  at  the  altars  of  Eleusis  the  year  round,  and  was  likely 
in  time  to  become  himself  a  priest,  would  occupy  a  different 
place  in  the  state  from  that  of  Sophocles  who  once  led  the 
triumphal  procession  through  the  streets  of  Athens.  The 
latter  function  might  be  more  spectacular  and  longer  remem- 
bered because  it  was  unusual :  the  former  was  a  humble  but 
essential  part  of  the  religious  "  machinery."  So  in  Rome  it 
may  be  well  to  distinguish  between  the  noble  children  who 
on  some  special  occasion  served  the  state,  and  those  who 
were  continually  beside  the  city  altars  and  whose  ser- 
vice, simple  as  it  was,  seemed  an  essential  part  of  sacrifice. 
Various  instances  of  youths  and  maidens  who  take  part  in 
a  public  supplicatio^"^  merely  confirm  the  adoption  of  Greek 
customs  in  all  the  details  of  such  a  ceremony.  These  are  not 
camilli.  The  boys  who  march  with  the  Salii,  however,  are 
sharing  in  an  essentially  Roman  function  as  are  those  pres- 
ent in  the  procession  before  the  Circensian  games^^  and 
those  who  perform  rites  of  purification  with  the  Vestals.^* 

"See  Note  10. 

"Verg.,  Aen.  II,  238-9;  Livy  27,  37,  3;  Macrob.,  Sat.  I,  6,  13;  Obseq. 
40  (100);  94  (34);  96  (36);  103  (43);  106  (46);  108  (48);  113  (53); 
Zosimus,  Ilist.  II,  5,  6. 

»  Dionys.  II,  71 ;  Cic,  De  Harus.  Besp.  Or.,  XI.  23. 

"  Tac,  Hist.  IV,  53. 


11 

But  even  these  are  not  definitely  associated  witli  sacrifice 
so  that  we  are  hardly  justified  in  recalling  the  old  terms 
camilli  and  camillae. 

The  definite  public  functions  of  the  camillus  are  known 
from  three  sources:  from  one  already  cited,^^  which  associ- 
ates the  flaminius  camillus  with  the  flamen  Dialis,  we  have 
deduced  the  service  of  camilli  with  all  flamines.^''-  This  is 
confirmed  by  Dionysius'  mention^^  of  the  sons  and  daughters 
in  attendance  upon  the  flamines  curiae  and  their  wives.^^ 
A  third  reference  dates  from  the  Imperial  period  when  the 
word  camillus  no  longer  appears.  In  the  inscriptions  re- 
cording the  Acta  Fratrum  Arvalium,  "original  documents" 
and  so  of  prime  importance,  numerous  allusions  are  found 
to  ''  pueri  patrimi  et  Tnatrimi  senatorum,  jili."  Occasionally 
" praetextati"  is  added  and  at  certain  times  " riciniati." 
There  are  eighteen  references  to  these  hoys  in  the  minutes  of 
meetings  between  80  and  241  A.D.^^  They  attend  the  ban- 
quets of  the  Brothers  during  the  period  of  ceremonial  obser- 
vances^^ and  sit  beside  the  twelve  reclining  members  of  the 
Collegium,  one  beside  each  of  the  four  couches.  The  sacri- 
fice of  wine  and  incense  (ture  et  vino)  to  Dea  Dia  is  a  con- 
stant feature  of  the  first  day's  banquet  and  in  this  sacrifice 
the  lads  assist  robed  in  the  tunica  praetexta;  they  carry  the 

^"Festus  VI  (69),  p.  93. 

"■  No  attempt  is  here  made  to  distinguish  between  sacerdos  and  flamen. 
Cf.  D.  et  S.,  Flamen. 

**  Whether  this  offiee  of  the  flamen  curiae  was  shortlived  or  not,  it  is 
further  evidence  for  the  attendance  of  camilli  upon  such  priests  where 
they  existed  (cf.  D.  et  S.,  Flamen).  The  office  of  the  flamen  curiae  like 
the  word  camillus  seems  to  have  been  a  subject  for  the  comment  of 
antiquarians  in  Varro's  day. 

«  See  Note  17. 

**  Only  one  reference  relates  to  the  second  day  on  which  the  banquet 
was  in  luco.  In  No.  2086,  II,  we  read  that  on  May  19,  213  A.D.,  after 
the  usual  feast  in  the  grove,  the  guild  returned  to  the  house  of  the 
magister  in  Kome  where  the  usual  offerings  of  incense  and  wine  were 
made  at  the  feast  with  the  assistance  of  vxieri  patrimi  et  matrimi  sena- 
torum  fill  praetextati. 


12 

offerings  in  sacrificial  bowls  to  the  altar.  On  the  third  day 
of  the  celebration,  when  the  last  banquet  was  held  at  Rome 
in  the  house  of  the  master  of  ceremonies,  a  special  offering 
was  made.  This  same  group  of  four  boys  who  had  served  in 
the  preceding  ceremonies,  repeated  the  act  of  bearing  wine 
and  incense  to  the  altar.  Then  to  the  tunica  praetexta  they 
added  the  ricinium,  and  with  the  aid  of  calatores  and  puhlici 
carried  platters  filled  with  consecrated  fruits  to  the  altar  ;^* 
some,  fruit  of  that  year's  ripening;  some,  fruit  set  apart  for 
the  purpose  in  a  preceding  season  (fruges  lihatas  virides  et 
aridas).^^ 

The  camillus  is  referred  to  but  once  in  connection  with  a 
private  function.  When  the  Pontifex  Maximus  and  flamen 
Dialis  made  offerings  to  Jupiter  in  a  wedding-ceremony  by 
confarreatio  and  followed  this  with  prayers  to  Juno  and  the 

"For  an  illustration  of  a  camillus  with  a  wine-pitcher  and  a  patera 
containing  fruit  see  E.  Petersen,  Ara  Pads  Augustae,  Taf.  Ill,  VIII. 
For  a  similar  figure  with  pitcher  and  incense-box  see  ibid.,  Taf.  IV,  IV. 

« Names  of  these  pueri  are  given  in  C.  I.  L.  VP,  2065,  2075,  2076, 
2078,  2080,  2086,  2099,  2100,  2114.  The  same  name  occurs  in  the  years 
118  (No.  2078)  and  120  A.D.  (No.  2080),— Q.  Gavius  Statins  Pollio;  the 
minutes  of  183  (No.  2099)  and  186  A.D.  (No.  2100)  suggest  that  three 
boys  served  twice,  for  Acilius  Aviola  and  Acilius  Severus  occur  on  both 
stones,  while  the  name  of  M.  Ulpius  Boethus,  who  is  the  third  one  in  183, 
may  well  have  filled  the  missing  part  of  the  line  in  186;  the  fourth  name 
differs.  In  the  years  117  (No.  2076)  and  118  A.D.  (No.  2078),  C. 
Statins  Capito  Arrianus  Praetextati  of  the  first  group  may  be  the  Statins 
Capito  of  the  second.  These  pueri  in  the  Acta  Fr.  Arv.  are  "keine 
camilli"  according  to  Henzen  (Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  Introd.  p.  VII;  cf. 
Mommsen,  Grensboten,  1870,  I,  172  and  Pauly-Wissowa,  Camillus).  But 
Henzen  (op.  cit.)  says  also  that  camilli  could  not  have  been  absent  in 
ipsis  sacrificiis.  Apparently  he  would  make  the  same  association  of 
camilli  with  sacrifice  that  has  been  suggested  above.  Yet  at  the  daily 
banquets  of  the  Brothers  sacrifices  of  wine  and  incense  were  offered  in 
which  the  services  of  camilli  would  be  desired  and  in  which,  indeed,  we 
read  that  these  pueri  assisted.  If  those  who  deny  that  these  lads  were 
the  true  successors  of  camilli  do  so  on  the  ground  that  they  are  never  said 
to  appear  at  sacrifices  of  animals,  we  may  add  that  there  is  no  evidence 
for  limiting  the  services  of  camilli  to  blood-sacrifices,  and  in  art  these 
boys  rarely  appear  with  an  attribute  that  suggests  that  part  of  the 
offering.    Cf.  Wissowa,  op.  cit.,  p.  426,  Anm.  z. 


13 

deities  of  the  country,  an  attendant  camillus^'^  held  the  mys- 
terious cumerum.  After  the  ceremony  the  lad  joined  the 
procession  which  escorted  the  bride  to  her  home  and  in  this 
same  procession  were  three  pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi,  one 
with  a  torch  of  whitethorn  and  two  leading  the  bride.'*^ 
These  were  nowhere  called  camilli  and  seem  to  have  been 
distinguished  from  the  lad  with  the  cumerum,  as  their  duties 
bore  no  direct  relation  to  the  service  of  the  gods. 

There  is  evidence  then  that  at  both  private  and  public 
sacrifices  an  attendant  youth  or  maiden  was  present  in  close 
connection  with  the  officiating  priest  or  priestess.  Literary 
and  epigraphical  references  indicate  that  this  special  "min- 
ister" was  originally  called  camillus  (camilla)  but  that,  as 
it  became  increasingly  necessary  to  define  social  position, 
those  who  continued  the  functions  of  the  camilli  were  called 
pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi  ingenui  or  nobiles.  The  only 
definite  references  to  their  duties  associate  them  with  blood- 
less offerings  of  fruit,  wine,  and  incense  or  with  the  mys- 
terious cumerum.  As  we  turn  to  a  study  of  the  camillus  in 
art,  we  shall  find  confirmation  of  the  fact  that  these  boys 
were  more  commonly  associated  with  the  bloodless  element 
in  sacrifice.^® 

«  See  Note  10. 

*'Festus  p.  245;  cf.  Frov.  Alex.  16,  1255,  and  Serv.  ad  Aen.  FV,  167. 
"  The  attributes  as  well  as  the  costume  of  the  camillus  are  considered 
in  the  following  discussion. 


I.     A.  The  "  Camillus  "-type  in  Gkeek  Sculpttiee 

When  Eome  began  to  develop  an  art  of  her  own,  the  sub- 
ject of  offerings  presented  by  worshippers  was  no  new  theme 
for  sculpture.  Egypt,  Assyria,  and  Greece  furnished  ma- 
terial from  which  she  might  have  derived  types  in  so  far  as 
their  sculpture  was  known  to  her.  We  know  that  she  did 
appropriate  the  art-treasures  of  Greece,  and  it  would  have 
been  remarkable  if  the  subject  of  sacrifice  had  not  presented 
itself  to  the  artist  at  Rome  among  the  many  statues  and 
pictures  and  reliefs  that  were  brought  in  as  plunder  from  the 
East.  It  is  relief-sculpture  on  which  we  depend  for  the  con- 
ception of  such  scenes  as  a  whole,  yet  statues  of  priests  and 
ministers  were  not  wanting  in  Eome.  Did  all  of  these — 
reliefs  and  statues  alike — develop  Greek  motifs,  or  were  they 
original  creations  ?  Or  did  Roman  sculptors  so  re-create  the 
old  themes  as  to  make  them  truly  Roman  ?  To  answer  these 
questions  we  must  first  consider  how  and  to  what  extent 
sacrifice  is  treated  in  Greek  sculpture. 

A  boy  or  girl  attendant  may  be  an  essentially  genre  sub- 
ject but  merely  as  such  would  not  be  treated  in  Greek  sculp- 
ture^ of  the  fifth  and  fourth  centuries  B.C.     The  beginnings 

'  The  genre  element  in  Greek  sculpture  is  marked  in  many  grave-reliefs 
of  the  fifth  and  fourth  centuries.  Such  subjects  as  the  "jewel-box" 
scenes  (Conze,  Die  Att.  Grab-Beliefs,  Taf.  1,  XXX  ff.),  or  a  youth  read- 
ing while  his  dog  lies  under  his  chair  (ibid.  2\  CXXI),  or  children  with 
pets  and  toys  (ibid.  2\  CLVI,  ff.;  2^,  CXCIII)  are  truly  genre  in  con- 
ception and  treatment,  but  their  association  with  monuments  in  honor 
of  the  dead  prevents  our  classing  them  with  pure  genre  sculpture. 

Greek  vase-painters  seem  to  have  regarded  such  motifs  as  decorative 
from  very  early  days.  From  the  seventh  century  on,  instances  of  genre 
themes  occur  in  increasing  numbers.  Some  notable  examples  are  scenes 
representing  the  interiors  of  shops  or  manufactories  {Gaz.  Arch.  VI 
(1880),  p.  106;  Jahrb.  14,  Taf.  4;  Mon.  XI,  29,  1,  and  2),  groups  of 
women    engaged    in    domestic    employments    (Furt.-Keich.    I,    Taf.    57; 

14 


15 

of  Greek  genre  sculpture  have  been  sought  for  in  Hellenistic 
art,  in  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  and  even  in  the  "period  of 
transition"  (480-450  B.C.).  The  chief  causes  for  differ- 
ence of  opinion  are  failure  to  agree  on  a  definition  of  genre 
and  varying  interpretation  of  such  extant  statues  as  the 
"  Spinario."  The  definition  given  by  Dr.  OerteP  may  serve 
as  a  starting-point  for  discussion.  Genre  statues  are  so 
called,  he  says,  "well  der  Kiinstler  das  von  ihm  dargestellte 
Individuum  oder  die  von  ihm  vergegenwartigte  Handlung  als 
Vertreter  einer  ganzen  Gattung  {genus,  genre)  von  Indi- 
viduen  oder  Handlungen  gestaltet."  Further,  "ein  Indi- 
viduum .  .  .  wird  dadurch  zum  Vertreter  einer  Gattung, 
dass  es  die  wesentlichen,  den  Gattungstypus  constituirenden 
Ziige,  und  keinen  diesem  entgegengesetzten  oder  fiir  ihn 
gleichgiltigen,  so  wie  keinen  nur  dem  Individuum  eigenen 
enthalt."  Distinguished  from  the  ideal  by  representing  the 
world  of  appearances  as  it  actually  is,  genre  in  its  narrowest 
sense  is  "Die  Darstellung  des  Menschen  und  des  mensch- 
lichen  Lebens,  die  des  Individuellen  bar,  den  Typus  einer 
Gattung  wiederzugeben  bestimmt  und  fahig  ist."^  This 
definition  well  describes  such  a  theme  as  that  to  be  con- 
sidered but  one  further  element  should  be  added  for  the  clear 
understanding  of  Greek  genre.  In  the  fifth  and  fourth  cen- 
turies B.C.,  genre  themes  in  sculpture  existed  only  for  an 
ulterior  purpose,  such  as  dedication  to  a  god  or  a  thank- 
offering  for  victory.  That  is,  while  the  theme  of  a  statue 
or  relief  might  be  truly  genre,  the  genre  element  was  merely 
incidental.  The  work  was  really  "religious  sculpture." 
Thus,  a  boy  or  girl  in  attendance  even  upon  a  priestly  official 
might  suggest  a  purely  genre  theme  to  the  artist,  but  this 
would  not  result  in  true  genre  sculpture,  for  the  statue  would 

Baum.  Ill,  p.  1995,  Fig.  2141),  and  friends  greeting  the  first  swallow  of 
spring  (Baum.  Ill,  p.  1985,  Fig.  2128).  Many  scenes  in  which  the 
names  of  epic  heroes  are  added  to  the  figures  are  essentially  genre. 

'  Beitrdge  zur  alt.  Gescli.  d.  Statuar.  Genrehild.,  p.  4. 

*  Ihid.,  p.  5. 


16 

be  set  up  as  an  offering  in  a  sacred  precinct.  Although 
Greek  sculpture  is  little  concerned  with  realistic  portraiture, 
it  is  not  limited  to  the  purely  ideal  and  does  not  hesitate  to 
apply  genre  treatment  to  sculpture  destined  for  something 
more  than  mere  decoration.^  A  little  boy  carrying  a  pig  is 
a  genre  theme:  if  we  find  this  statue  in  the  precinct  at 
Eleusis,  the  theme  and  treatment  might  still  be  genre  but 
the  statue  would  be  classed  with  "religious  sculpture." 
There  is  evidence,  both  in  art  and  in  literature,  that  similar 
genre  themes  related  to  our  subject  were  represented.  On 
the  wall  of  the  Altis  at  Olympia,  Pausanias'^  saw  a  group  of 
bronze  statues  representing  boys  who,  with  outstretched  right 
hands,  appeared  to  be  in  the  act  of  prayer.  These  were  offer- 
ings from  the  people  of  Acragas  and  were  thought  to  be  the 
work  of  Calamis.  More  definitely  related  to  sacred  rites  are 
certain  works  of  the  Myronian  school.  On  the  Athenian 
Acropolis,  Pausanias^  tells  us  that  he  noticed  a  bronze  boy 
with  a  basin  for  holy  water,  a  statue  by  Lycius,  son  of  Myron. 
Very  fittingly  might  this  statue  have  stood  at  the  entrance 
to  the  precinct  of  Artemis  Brauronia  where  the  holy  water 
would  be  at  the  service  of  entering  worshippers."^  Pliny^ 
refers  to  the  same  sculptor  Lycius  (here  called  Myron's  dis- 
cipulus)  as  the  maker  of  a  boy  "reviving  the  dying  flames" 
and  also  of  a  "boy  burning  incense."  These  are  possibly 
identical^  and  it  is  suggested  that  "the  boy  with  the  holy- 
water  basin"  and  "the  boy  with  the  incense-burner"  may 
have  stood  at  either  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  Brauronian 
precinct.®  At  least  these  allusions  suffice  to  prove  that  the 
idea  of  a  young  attendant  upon  sacred  rites  was  expressed  in 
Attic   sculpture   as  early   as   the   days   of  the   "transition 

•  Fowler  and  Wheeler,  Hdbk.  of  Gk.  Arch.,  p.  281. 

•  V,  25,  5. 

•  I,  23,  7. 

^  Frazer,  Paus.  II,  p.  282. 

•  N.  n.,  34,  79. 
•Oertel,  oj).  cit.,  p.  23. 


17 

period."  The  Phidian  school  showed  little  tendeincy  toward 
genre  themes  but  the  art  of  the  Peloponnesus  carried  on  their 
development.  Among  the  spoils  of  Verres,  Cicero^**  mentions 
Canephorae  by  Poljclitus,  "not  very  large  statues  but  re- 
markable for  their  grace  (venustas) ,  in  the  dress  and  guise 
of  virgins  who  with  uplifted  hands  bear  on  their  heads  cer- 
tain sacred  objects  after  the  custom  of  Athenian  maidens." 
A  similar  motif  was  employed  by  Scopas^^  and  by  Praxi- 
teles^^ in  the  fourth  century.  Among  the  many  representa- 
tions of  sacrificantes^^  perhaps  some  artist  developed  the 
theme  of  the  priest's  attendant  but  we  have  no  further 
information. 

Among  extant  statues  of  Greek  origin  we  find  compara- 
tively little  material  to  supplement  these  references.  The 
bronze  "Idolino"  of  Florence^*  represents  a  youth  with  out- 
stretched right  hand  which  may  have  held  a  phiale.  One 
interpretation^^  sees  in  this  statue  a  victorious  athlete  in 
the  act  of  sacrificing  before  an  altar.  This  would  remove  him 
from  the  class  of  "priests'  attendants,"  an  interpretation, 
indeed,  which  is  hardly  possible.  The  complete  nudity  of  the 
statue  suggests  the  athlete-genre  and  the  mere  act  of  pouring 
a  libation  by  no  means  defines  this  youth  as  an  assistant  in 
special  sacrifices.  The  motif  of  the  "Praying  Boy"  in 
Berlin^ ^  is  entirely  conjectural  and  though  the  arms  were 
originally  raised,  the  figure  may  have  belonged  to  purely  deco- 
rative genre.  The  so-called  "  maiden  from  Antium  "  is  com- 
monly regarded  as  a  priestess  of  the  Lycian  Apollo^ '^  because 

^0  Verr.  Ill,  3,  5.    Cf .  Symmach.,  Epist.  1,  23. 

"  Plin.  N.  H.  36,  25. 

^Ibid.  34,  69. 

^Ibid.  34,  91. 

"  Brunn-Br,  274-277. 

"Amelung,  Fiihrer,  268;  Eobinson,  Boston  M.  Cat.  Casts,  III,  Suppl. 
113,  et  al. 

"Brunn-Br,  283. 

"  Brunn-Br.  583,  584.  Cf .  a  recent  letter  from  Mrs.  Strong  to  the 
London  Times,  quoted  in  Class.  Weelc.,  N.  Y.,  Mar.  5,  1910,  and  a  letter 
from  Dr.  Botsford  in  Class.  Week.,  N.  Y.,  April  2,  1910. 


18 

of  the  objects  which  she  carries  upon  a  tray, — a  parchment- 
roll,  a  laurel-twig,  and  perhaps,  a  statuette  of  a  crouching 
lion.  The  original  significance  of  the  statue  and  even  its 
sex  are  still  matters  for  discussion,  but  in  any  case  the  figure 
represents  one  who  is  superior  in  rank  to  mere  attendants  at 
sacrifices. 

Thus  far  neither  literature  nor  art  has  furnished  any 
definite  material  for  determining  the  presence  of  an  art-type 
in  Greece  suggestive  of  the  camiUus  in  Rome.  We  find, 
however,  illustrations  of  this  theme  in  relief -sculpture  and 
sculpture  in  the  round.  Those  boys  and  girls  at  Eleusis  who 
assisted  in  the  performance  of  the  mysteries  were  honored  by 
their  p?  rents  with  statues  set  up  in  the  Eleusinian  precinct. 
At  least  one  type  seems  to  have  been  copied  by  sculptors  at 
Rome  and  the  discussion  of  it  may  be  included  in  the  later 
study  of  those  statues  which  represent  a  camillus. 

Among  extant  Greek  sculptures,  votive-reliefs  are  the  pro- 
totypes of  Roman  scenes  of  sacrifice.  On  temples  and  public 
monuments,  Greeks  of  the  Phidian  and  Praxitelean  periods 
preferred  mythological  scenes  or  scenes  of  battle.  The  frieze 
of  the  Parthenon  is  a  marked  exception  but  even  here  the 
moment  of  sacrifice  is  not  shown.^^  It  is  in  the  small  and 
comparatively  insignificant  votive-reliefs  that  we  find  this  act 
of  worship  which  becomes  so  frequent  a  theme  among  Roman 
artists.  The  great  deeds  of  the  gods  appeared  to  the  Greeks 
a  more  fitting  adornment  for  their  temples  than  the  humble 
offerings  of  man  to  deity.  In  the  votive-reliefs  where  the 
gods  meet  face  to  face  vtdth  their  worshippers,  the  deities  are 
of  heroic  size.  So,  for  example,  in  reliefs  from  the  precinct 
of  Asclepius  in  Athens,  that  god  and  Hygieia  are  distin- 
guished by  their  superior  stature  from  the  families  who  bring 

"  A  f rapmcnt  of  the  fourth  frieze  from  the  Nereid  monument  shows  a 
male  fifjure  wearing  the  himation  and  pouring  a  libation  upon  an  altar. 
Behind  him  is  a  boy  followed  by  various  attendants  with  trays,  animals 
etc.    The  whole  is  much  mutilated.    Brit.  Mus.  Cat.  904,  905. 


19 

them  offerings.  Even  among  this  class  of  reliefs  very  few 
present  the  moment  of  sacrifice  at  the  altar.  To  these,  how- 
ever, we  must  look  for  groups  suggestive  of  Roman  sacrifices. 
One  relief  of  the  Phidian  period^  ^  represents  Asclepius 
seated  at  the  right  while  Hygieia  stands  beside  him  support- 
ing her  right  hand  against  a  tree  trunk  around  which  coils 
the  sacred  snake.  An  altar  piled  with  fruit  fills  the  left 
foreground  and  behind  it  is  a  boy  holding  a  tray  of  offerings. 
A  man  takes  some  of  these  as  though  to  add  them  to  the  sacri- 
fice. In  the  little  boy,  wrapped  in  a  loose  mantle  and  holding 
with  care  the  large  tray,  we  have  an  attendant,  but  at  a 
family  sacrifice.  Several  reliefs  from  this  same  precinct-^ 
show  a  similar  youthful  figure  beside  the  altar  but  it  is  not 
possible  to  prove  that  any  of  them  are  regular  attendants  at 
such  ceremonies.  A  relief,  also  in  Athens,^^  represents 
Athena  standing  beside  her  altar.  Behind  this  is  a  half-nude 
boy  with  a  tray  of  offerings.  A  little  pig  is  visible  at  the 
left  of  the  altar  and  a  group  of  worshippers  approaches  from 
the  left.  It  is  apparent  from  these  scenes  that  the  presence 
of  youth  beside  the  altar  was  an  idea  pleasing  to  Greeks  as 
well  as  Romans.  The  family  offering  was  likewise  so  truly 
an  Hellenic  conception  that  it  appears  even  in  the  Phidian 
age  which  rarely  turned  to  genre  themes. 

The  fourth  century  yields  two  suggestive  reliefs  which 
bring  us  into  relation  with  priests  and  their  ministers.  In 
the  Berlin  Museum^^  a  relief  of  Greek  marble  represents  a 
sacred  cave.  Pan  sits  above,  and  within  the  grotto,  two 
figures  stand  before  an  image.  They  are  the  Magna  Mater 
and  a  boy  in  short  tunic  and  chlamys  who  holds  a  wine 
pitcher.    According  to  Kekule,^^  this  is  "  Hermes-Kadmilos, 

"^.  Mitt.  II,  Taf.  16  and  B.  C.  H.  II,  PI.  VIII. 
^  J.  Mitt.  II,  Taf.  17  and  B.  C.  H.  II,  PI.  VII,  IX. 
="Miehaelis,  Der  Parthenon,  Taf.  15,  17.     Cf.  Overbeck,  Atlas  14,  2; 
Eouse,  GJc.  Votive  Offerings,  p.  180. 

-Beschr.  der  Ant.  STc.,  690.  % 

^  Ibid.,  p.  257. 


20 

cupbearer"  to  the  goddess.  He  is  her  constant  attendant  in 
similar  reliefs.  The  Phrygian  cult  of  the  Great  Mother 
entered  Rome  about  205  B.C.  It  may  have  influenced 
through  such  reliefs  that  art-type  by  which  the  Koman 
camillus  was  represented  —  who  was  perhaps  himself  named 
from  that  very  Hermes-Kadmilos  of  Phrygian-Samothracian- 
Etruscan  origin.^'*  In  the  Louvre^^  there  is  a  Greek  relief 
of  unknown  provenance  and  feeble  execution  which  represents 
a  sacrifice  to  a  goddess.  According  to  the  conventional 
method,  the  goddess  herself  is  much  taller  than  any  of  the 
human  beings  who  approach  her.  She  holds  in  her  left 
hand  a  sceptre  and  with  the  right  pours  a  libation  from  a 
phiale  upon  the  altar  toward  which  suppliants  are  leading  a 
goat.  Behind  the  altar  is  visible  the  upper  part  of  a  boy's 
figure.  He  holds  a  basket  or  tray  of  offerings  and  this 
together  with  his  position  apart  from  the  worshippers  would 
indicate  that  he  represents  a  regular  attendant  upon  the  altar 
of  the  goddess.^^  Unfortunately  the  relief  is  of  little  artistic 
value  and  probably  represents  the  work  of  a  minor  artist. 
The  treatment  is  too  nearly  pictorial  and  too  little  idealised 
to  belong  to  fifth-century  art  and  lacks  the  landscape  acces- 
sories which  are  so  marked  a  characteristic  of  most  Hel- 
lenistic reliefs.  It  may  have  originated  in  the  workshop 
of  some  obscure  artist  of  the  third  or  fourth  century  —  be- 
fore the  fashion  of  pictorial  backgrounds  had  come  into  use. 
In  Munich  there  is  a  votive-relief^^  which  forms  a  natural 
transition  to  Roman  reliefs  representing  the  camillus.  This 
relief  is  of  Pentelic  marble  and  was  found  in  Greece.  The 
scene  is  in  a  sacred  precinct  with  a  plane-tree  at  the  left  from 
which  a  draped  curtain  is  carried  across  the  background.    To 

**Cf.  A.  Conze  in  Arch.  Ztg.,  1880,  p.  5,  and  Taf.  1-4;  A.  Mitt.  1888, 
p.  202;  and  Introd.  N.  15. 

«  Clarac,  Musec,  IV,  p.  703,  PI.  212,  257. 

^  The  counterpart  of  this  Greek  altar-attendant  is  charmingly  pre- 
sented in  the  Ion  of  Euripides. 

*'  Glyptothek,  No.  206. 


21 

our  right  a  god  is  seated  on  his  throne,  while  a  goddess 
stands  before  him,  leaning  on  a  column.  An  altar  and  a 
high  pillar  surmounted  by  archaistic  statuettes  of  a  god  and 
goddess  serve  to  identify  further  the  place  as  sacred.  The 
group  of  sacrificers  leads  our  thought  again  to  the  similar  con- 
ception of  family-worship  among  Greeks  and  Romans,  for 
behind  the  altar  stand  the  father  and  mother  with  the  eldest 
son,  and  grouped  at  the  foot  of  the  plane-tree  are  tiiree  small 
children  and  two  grown  daughters.  The  lad  behind  the 
altar  carries  a  shallow  basket  filled  with  offerings  from 
which  his  father  takes  some  object  to  place  it  on  the  altar. 
This  group  of  father  and  son  not  only  suggests  the  relation- 
ship between  the  first  Roman  priests  and  the  camilli^^  but 
also  recalls  the  actual  treatment  of  a  similar  theme  by  sculp- 
tors at  Rome.  Compare  it,  for  example,  with  the  altar-scene 
in  the  Louvre  from  the  Ahenobarbus  monument,^**  or  with 
the  Aurelian  relief  in  the  Palace  of  the  Conservatori.^*^  In 
the  former,  while  the  priest  looks  away  from  the  camillus 
instead  of  toward  him,  the  relation  of  the  figTires  to  each 
other  and  to  the  great  altar  is  very  suggestive  of  the  Munich 
relief.  In  the  latter,  the  relative  insignificance  of  the  altar 
marks  a  different  stage  of  development  in  art  and  religion, 
but  the  grouping  of  the  emperor  and  the  camillus  still  recalls 
the  Greek  scene.  Probably  the  Munich  relief  is  but  one 
of  many  from  the  Hellenistic  age  which  preserved  these 
same  essential  features  and  it  was,  as  we  have  seen,  based 
on  themes  first  used  by  earlier  artists.  Even  these  scattered 
instances,  however,  serv^e  to  illustrate  part  of  the  material 
which  a  sculptor  of  the  first  century  may  have  had  to  aid 
him  in  visualising  a  conception  of  Roman  sacrifice.  Whether, 
himself  a  Greek,  he  knew  these  sculptured  scenes  as  part  of 
his  native  environment,  or  whether  some  Roman  had  chanced 
upon  such  reliefs  among  Greek  plunder,  the  theme  of  the 

^  See  Introduction. 
=>  See  p.  29. 
»  See  p.  36. 


22 

altar-attendant  was  not  new  to  the  artist  in  Eome.  The 
essential  difference  between  the  whole  art-conception  of 
sacrifice  in  Greece  and  that  in  Imperial  Rome  is  that  in 
Greece  the  worshipper  is  represented  as  making  his  offering 
directly  to  a  visible  deity,  while  in  Rome  a  priest  with  a 
corps  of  attendants  presents  the  gift  to  an  invisible  god. 


I.    B.    The  "  Camillus  "-Type  in  Roman  Eeliefs 

A  study  of  the  camillus^  in  Roman  art  may  wisely  begin 
with  relief-sculpture.  There,  distinguishing  attributes  are 
so  often  represented  that  the  priests'  assistants  may  be  readily 
identified,  as  in  the  procession  on  the  Ara  Pads  Augustae, 
the  fiamines  with  their  pointed  caps  and  the  lictors  with 
their  fasces  are  no  more  definitely  characterised  than  the 
camilli  with  their  incense-boxes  or  paterae.  Further,  extant 
reliefs  on  which  camilli  appear  are  found  to  form  a  series 
of  sculpture,  for  the  most  part  definitely  dated,  which  ex- 
tends from  the  end  of  the  first  century  B.C.  to  the  time 
of  Septimius  Severus.  We  have,  therefore,  an  unusual  op- 
portunity for  observing  the  continuity  of  methods  in  sacri- 
fice as  well  as  the  permanent  constitution  of  the  group  of 
attendants  connected  with  the  officiating  priest. 

This  subject  holds  our  attention  to  sculpture  which  is 
truly  Roman  in  treatment  of  the  theme,  although  a  debt  to 
Greece  must  always  be  acknowledged  in  considering  tech- 
nique, and  also,  as  we  have  seen,  for  the  essential  elements 
of  the  particular  subject  of  sacrifice.  But  in  Roman  reliefs 
the  people,  mere  onlookers,  in  greater  or  less  numbers,  are 
almost  always  represented.  The  presence  of  the  populus 
Bomanus  was  as  common  a  feature  of  Roman  sacrifice  as 
the  presence  of  the  priest  himself  and  apparently  of  quite 
as  much  interest  to  the  sculptor.  It  is  perhaps  significant 
of  the  change  in  the  attitude  of  the  civilised  world  wrought 
by  Roman  rule  that  in  purely  Roman  sculpture  the  gods  play 
an  ever  lessening  part  while  "  the  people  "  appear  more  and 

^No  representation  of  a  Camilla  has  been  identified  with  certainty. 
Possibly  such  an  interpretation  would  apply  to  the  little  girl-attendant 
on  an  ivory  relief  (Montfaucon,  Ant,  Expl.  Ill,  PI.  LXXXIII)  and  on 
marble  sarcophagi  in  Mantua  and  Eome  (cf.  Eossbach,  pp.  97,  153). 
See  p.  29,  note  29. 

23 


24 

more.  This  may  be  due  in  part  to  a  change  of  feeling  toward 
the  formal  state  cult,  in  part  to  national  characteristics:  its 
consummation  is  found  in  the  deification  of  the  emperor  who 
becomes  not  only  "un  maitre  visible  et  present"^  but  a  very- 
god.  The  act  of  sacrifice  when  performed  by  an  emperor 
possessed  religious  and  political  significance;  to  this,  there- 
fore, we  owe  the  series  of  scenes  in  which  beside  the  officiat- 
ing priest  there  constantly  appears  the  youthful  figure  of  a 
camillus.  But  in  the  presence  of  this  god,  whom  they  have 
created,  the  people  are  less  abashed  and  in  art  as  in  life 
we  find  them  present  at  every  public  act  of  the  emperor. 
Among  the  figures  of  Greek  sculpture,  no  place  is  given  to 
those  whose  only  association  with  the  subject  is  one  of  casual 
interest.  A  similar  restraint  marks  the  Ara  Pads  Augustae, 
for  the  presence  of  the  men  and  women  and  little  children, 
whose  apparent  freedom  of  bearing  never  oversteps  the  line 
of  perfect  dignity,  is  for  the  most  part  an  essential  feature 
of  this  court-sacrifice.  They  are  either  members  of  the 
royal  household  or  State  officials.  Yet  even  here  one  group 
suggests  the  crowd  of  onlookers^  and,  according  to  Mrs. 
Strong,^  "  marks  the  first  introduction  into  art  of  the  people 
who  form  the  audience."  In  many  reliefs  representing  the 
camillus,  we  find  also  a  group  of  this  kind,  more  or  less 
closely  related  to  the  act  of  sacrifice  and  made  up  of  various 
elements,  —  the  Roman  people  beside  the  Roman  priest. 

This  is  allied  to  the  fact  that  Roman  reliefs  which  deal 
with  sacrifice  may  be  classed  among  historical  as  distin- 
guished from  ideal  or  mythological  reliefs.  Beginning  with 
a  somewhat  idealised  treatment  as  in  the  Am  Pads,  they 
become  increasingly  identified  with  real  people  and  definite 
events.  This  again  is  due  largely  to  the  concentration  of  in- 
terest upon  the  emperor  which  accounts  for  the  fact  that  a 
majority  of  the  sacrificial  reliefs  whose  provenance  is  known 

*Courbaiid,  Le  Bas-relief  Eomains,  p.  51. 

'  Petersen,  Ara  Pads  Augustae,  Taf .  VI,  XVIII. 

♦P.  46. 


SACRIFICIAL    GROUP   (Aha  Pacis  Augustae). 
Rome.     National   Museum. 


25 

come  from  such  monuments  as  the  Ara  Pads,  the  column 
of  Trajan  or  the  Monument  to  Septimius  Severus  in  the 
Forum  Boarium. 

Several  reliefs  from  the  Ara  Pads  Augustae  (13  B.C.)'^ 
afford  a  starting-point  for  the'  study  of  Imperial  sculpture 
in  relation  to  the  camillus.  Among  the  groups  of  the  pro- 
cession and  beside  the  altar  of  Tellus,  we  find  three  figures 
which  evidently  represent  attendants  at  sacrifices.  One  of 
the  three  is  distinctly  younger,  for  his  figure  is  smaller.  His 
long  hair  wreathed  with  laurel  is  knotted  on  the  crown  of  his 
head  and  fastened  with  a  fillet.  (The  heads  of  the  other 
camilli  are  restorations.)  The  girded  tunic  is  common  to 
all  three,  so  adjusted  as  to  fall  over  the  upper  arm.  It  reaches 
barely  to  the  knee  in  two  cases  but  falls  well  below  in  the 
case  of  one  of  the  older  lads  who  also  has  a  mantle  knotted 
about  his  waist.  Where  the  girdle  is  visible  it  is  fastened 
in  front  in  the  elaborate  bowknot  so  clearly  seen  in  that 
type  of  camillus  represented  in  the  Conservatori  Bronze.^ 
The  youngest  boy  is  barefoot ;  the  feet  of  the  others  have  been 
restored. 

Thus  far  no  special  distinction  marks  the  dress  of  the 
camilli.  One  attribute,  however,  is  borne  by  each  of  the 
three  and  by  these  alone.  Hanging  over  the  left  shoulder 
in  two  cases,''  over  the  left  arm  of  one  figure,  is  a  long  nar- 
row mappa  or  towel,  made  of  thick  shaggy  material  with  a 
broad,  plain  border  above  the  fringed  edge.  Further,  each 
attendant  carries  implements  of  sacrifice,  one  holds  a  wine- 
jug  and  an  incense-box ;  one  an  incense-box  and  a  patera,  and 
one  a  wine-pitcher  and  a  patera  filled  with  fruit  for  the 
offering.^    The  pose  and  bearing  of  each  youth  is  as  quietly 

*  Petersen,  op.  cit.  Taf.  Ill,  VIII,  in  the  Museo  Nazionale,  Eome; 
Taf.  IV,  IV,  23,  in  the  Uffizi,  Florence;  and  Taf.  Ill,  7,  in  the  Museo 
Vaticano,  Eome. 

•  See  below.  Part  II,  p.  44. 

^Petersen  (p.  83  and  n.  1,  op.  cit.)  seems  to  misunderstand  this. 
*The  figure   of   a  boy  holding  a  Lar    (Petersen,  op.   cit.,   Taf.  VI, 


26 

dignified  as  that  of  any  grown  man  in  the  procession.  On 
the  fragment  in  the  jSTational  Museum  at  Rome  the  stooping 
figure  of  the  little  viciimarius,  who  guides  the  pig  to  the 
altar,  emphasises  the  upright  bearing  of  the  camillus  just 
before  him,  who  carefully  balances  a  dish  of  fruit  held  in 
readiness  for  the  priest. 

The  general  type  which  these  three  figures  illustrate  coin- 
cides with  that  of  the  camillus  as  it  is  derived  from  litera- 
ture. Youthful,  possessed  of  aristocratic  bearing  and  physi- 
cal charm,  they  are  evidently  "  pueri  nobiles  et  ingenui" 
while  the  attributes  that  they  carry  show  their  duties  to  be 
closely  associated  with  the  moment  of  sacrifice.  The  youngest 
boy  actually  stands  beside  the  altar  of  Tellus  and  probably 
directs  his  glance  toward  the  ofiiciating  priest  just  beyond. 
These  reliefs  add  the  details  of  costume  and  attributes  for 
which  we  vainly  look  to  literature.  The  Ara  Pa-cis  seems  to 
have  established  a  type  which  is  repeated  with  slight  varia- 
tions throughout  the  period  under  discussion.^  Perhaps 
this  type  as  found  in  reliefs  was  derived  from  some  statue 
(such  as  the  Conservatori  bronze)  but  at  present  there  is  no 
proof  for  the  pre-Augustan  date  of  any  such  figure.  The 
camillus  as  seen  here  wears  a  short  tunic  drawn  up  at  pleasure 
through  an  elaborately  tied  girdle.  A  mantle  is  a  possible 
but  not  an  indispensable  addition.  The  shaggy  towel  which 
falls  over  the  shoulder  or  arm  in  each  case  is  a  natural  attri- 
bute for  an  attendant  who  stands  close  beside  the  priest. 
Ovid^*^  associates  with  the  patera  and  acerra  as  implements 
XVIII,  3)  is  not  included  here.  He  does  not  carry  the  fringed  mappa 
for  he  has  no  direct  relation  with  the  act  of  sacrifice.  Whether  he  was 
chosen  from  among  those  who  regularly  ministered  at  the  altar  remains 
uncertain ;  for  the  present  we  apply  the  term  camillus  to  the  latter  only. 

•Augustus  to  Septimius  Severus,  27  B.C.  to  211  A.D.  During  this 
same  period  a  similar  type  of  attendant  appears  on  the  reverse  of  coins 
struck  by  Caligula  (Cohen,  Med.  Imp.  1,  p.  238,  9),  Antoninus  Pius 
{ibid.  II,  p.  376,  1091),  Marcus  Aurelius  (ibid.  Ill,  p.  103,  1029),  and 
Commodus  (ibid.  Ill,  p.  339,  858  and  p.  354,  977,  978). 

^^  Fasti  IV,  933. 


27 

of  sacrifice  a  mantele  of  shaggy  stuff,  probably  a  serviette  on 
which  to  wipe  the  fingers.  Such  a  convenience  may  have  been 
used  in  sacrifice  before  it  was  adopted  as  part  of  the  table- 
service.^^  The  various  terms,  mantele,  mappa,  gausapa, 
orarium,  are  used  so  carelessly  that  it  is  not  possible  to  dis- 
tinguish them  in  every  case.-^"  They  may,  according  to  M. 
Pettier,  refer  to  a  serviette,  a  couch-covering  or  a  veil.  In 
the  case  of  the  camilli,  however,  we  should  expect  to  find  that 
the  mantele  or  mappa-  was  a  towel.  Confirmation  of  this  is 
found  in  a  relief  on  a  sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran^^  where  one 
of  the  ser^dng-boys  (delicatae)  carries  over  his  shoulder  the 
same  narrow  fringed  object.  The  only  reference  to  the  dress 
of  camilli  is  in  the  minutes  of  the  meetings  of  the  Arval 
Brothers^  ^  where  it  is  said  that  "  pueri  praetextati  riciniati " 
attend  the  sacrifices.  The  tunica  praetexta  is  doubtless  repre- 
sented in  the  dress  of  the  figures  on  the  Ara  Pads.  What  is 
the  rica  or  ricinium  which  the  lads  assume  at  a  certain  stage 
in  the  ceremonies  of  the  Fratres  Arvales?  According  to  Fes- 
tus,^^  a  rica  was  a  square,  purple  garment  with  fringed  edges, 
which  was  worn  as  a  head-covering  by  the  flaminica;  from 
the  inscriptions  cited  we  learn  that  it  was  also  worn  by 
camilli}^  But  the  attribute  which  appears  in  reliefs  is  al- 
most certainly  a  towel  (mappa). ^"^  We  must  conclude  then 
either  that  the  ricinium  is  not  represented  in  relief-sculpture 
so  far  as  now  known,  or  else  that  the  term  ricinium  may  be 

"  A  table-napkin  was  a  mark  of  luxury  in  Augustan  times.  Cf .  Hor. 
Sat.  II,  8,  10. 

"D.  et  S.,  Mantele  and  Mappa,  E.  Pettier. 

"  Wilpert,  p.  19,  fig.  16a.    Cf .  p.  9,  fig.  8a.    See  below  note  25. 

"C.  I.  L.  VF,  2067-2114,  passim.  The  wording  of  the  minutes  shows 
that  praetextati  and  riciniati  are  not  the  same  (which  Henzen  asserts 
in  Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  p.  37  ff.). 

«  P.  289  and  cf .  pp.  275,  276,  Cf .  also  Amelung,  Die  Gewandung  der 
alten  Gr.  und  Bdm.,  p.  39. 

"  Ricinium  is  derived  from  rica,  cf .  n.  14, 

"Cf.  Wilpert,  p.  11  ff.  and  D.  et  S.,  Mantele. 


28 

applied  to  a  serviette}^  The  former  seems  more  probable  in 
view  of  the  especial  mention  of  this  garment  in  the  Acta  of 
the  Arval  Brothers.  Very  likely  it  was  not  a  common  addi- 
tion to  the  costume  of  the  camillus  but  was  worn  only  in 
special  services. 

The  hair  of  the  camillus  of  this  type  is  long  and  therefore 
we  may  look  for  a  more  elaborate  coiffure  on  these  attendants 
than  was  ordinarily  worn  by  the  Eoman  boy.  Three  imple- 
ments of  sacrifice  are  carried  by  the  lads  on  the  Ara  Pads, 
the  sacrificial  bowl  or  patera,  the  wine-pitcher  or  urceus,  the 
incense-box  or  acerra.  The  patera  was  used  for  carrying 
offerings  to  the  altar^^  or  for  jDOuring  wine  in  libation  upon 
the  altar.^°  Two  forms  are  found  in  reliefs,  a  round  shallow 
saucer,  more  or  less  adorned  with  relief-work  (like  the  Greek 
phiale)  and  a  similar  dish  with  a  long  handle  attached  to 
the  edge  of  the  bowl.^^  The  wine-pitcher^^  is  the  natural 
accompaniment  of  the  patera  and  the  two  are  often  shown 
in  a  group  of  the  priest  and  his  attendant.  The  latter  holds 
the  pitcher  and  pours  from  it  into  the  sacrificial  bowl  held 
by  the  priest.  This  duty  of  the  camillus  is  referred  to  by 
Athenaeus^^  who  says  that  "  among  the  Romans,  well-born 
youths  serve  as  wine-pourers."  The  incense-box  proves  to  be 
most  characteristic  of  the  camillus  in  relief-sculpture.  The 
"  acerra  turis  plena  "  of  Horace^'*  appears  in  many  scenes  of 
sacrifice  in  the  hands  of  this  boy  whom  Suetonius^^  defines 
as  "minister  acerram  praeferens."  The  association  of  in- 
cense-box and  wine-pitcher,  as  in  the  case  of  one  figure  on  the 

"  The  fringed  garment  worn  by  the  camillus  on  the  altar  of  Manlius 
(see  p.  29)  is  called  a  ricinium  by  Henzen,  Annali  1858,  p.  9  and  a 
mantele  by  Wilpert,  p.  22. 

"  C.  I.  L.  VI^,  2059,  et  al.,  fragibus  . .  .  referentibus  ad  aram  in  pateris, 

="  See  reliefs  described  pp.  29,  32  etc. 

=°  See  D.  et  S.,  Patera. 

*See  Forcellini,  Lex.  Lot.,  Simpulum. 

^I  (10),  425. 

«  Od.  Ill,  8,  2.    Cf.  Verg.,  Aen.  V,  744. 

«  Tib.  44.     Cf.  Galba  8. 


29 

Ara  Pads  J  recalls  the  sacrifice  of  the  Arval  Brothers  where 
they  "  ture  et  vino  fecerunt,  quod  pueri  .  .  .  praetextcUi 
.  .  .  ad  aram  rettulerunt.''^^^ 

Eeliefs  of  the  Augustan  period  show  no  essential  differ- 
ence from  the  type  of  camillus  found  on  the  Ara  Pads.  The 
altar  of  Ahenobarbus^'^  was  dedicated  about  32  B.C.  Al- 
though it  is  earlier  than  the  sculpture  just  considered,  the 
mediocre  execution  of  the  scene  of  sacrifice  in  the  Louvre 
makes  the  Ara  Pads  a  better  starting-point  for  defining  an 
art-type.  The  central  point  of  the  Louvre-relief  is  an  altar 
to  the  right  of  which  stands  an  officiating  priest  with  veiled 
head.  In  his  right  hand  he  holds  over  the  altar  a  patera 
into  which  a  camillus  pours  wine  from  his  wine-pitcher.  The 
boy's  right  arm  is  a  restoration.  Although  the  lad  stands 
behind  the  altar,  it  is  evident  that  he  wears  a  short-sleeved 
tunic  and  a  mantle  knotted  about  his  waist.  Behind  the 
priest,  a  smaller  boy  wrapped  in  his  mantle  holds  an  acerra 
on  his  left  shoulder.  A  third  youthful  figure  stands  behind 
the  boy  with  the  pitcher  and  is  called  by  Clarac^^  a  girl.  If 
so,  this  would  be  the  only  instance  of  a  Camilla  found  in  a 
Roman  scene  of  sacrifice,"^  but  there  is  nothing  to  determine 
the  sex.  With  the  possible  (and  doubtful)  exception  of  the 
Camilla,  nothing  is  here  added  to  our  previous  conception, 
but  the  association  of  the  acerra  and  wine-pitcher  with  the 
camillus  is  confirmed.     The  mappa  is  not  represented. 

Early  in  the  Augustan  age  an  altar^°  was  itself  carved  with 
a  scene  of  sacrifice  and  set  up  in  honor  of  one  Caius  Manlius 
by  his  clientes.     Upon  a  fruit-  and  flower-decked  altar,  a 

="  C.  7.  L.  VP,  No.  2080,  et  al.  Patera,  pitcher,  acerra,  and  mappa  are 
illustrated  on  the  altar  from  Pompeii.  See  Overbeck,  Pompeii,  p.  93; 
cf.  below  n.  37. 

"  Furtw.,  Intermessi,  p.  35  ff . ;  Strong,  p.  33  ff. ;  Phot.  Alinari  22557. 

^  Musee  IP,  p.  747. 

=»A  relief  in  Narbonne  (Montfaucon,  IP,  PI.  71,  2)  is  of  doubtful 
interpretation  and  wholly  Greek  in  conception.     Cf.  n.  1. 

'^Moii.  deir  Inst.  VI,  13.     Cf.  Wilpert,  p.  8,  Fig.  7a. 


30 

priest  pours  a  libation  from  a  patera  while  at  his  side  is  a 
camillus  with  pitcher  still  half-raised  as  though  the  act  of 
pouring  were  but  just  completed.  The  boy  wears  a  short- 
sleeved,  girded  tunic  and  the  fringed  Tnappa  hangs  over  his 
left  shoulder.  His  head  is  turned  toward  the  priest  and  his 
hair  seems  to  be  knotted  at  the  back,  below  the  laurel-crown.^^ 
Although  inferior  execution  makes  this  figure  less  interesting 
and  stiffness  of  pose  makes  it  less  convincing  than  the  Ara 
Pacis  figures,  it  adds  further  evidence  for  the  Augustan  type. 
In  the  Museo  Kazionale  at  Rome,  a  fragment  of  a  relief^^ 
shows  two  camilli  with  their  attributes.  The  spacing  of  the 
figures  and  their  relation  to  the  background  suggest  Greek 
work,  but  the  subject  and  style  belong  to  the  age  of  Augustus. 
The  two  figures  (one  is  very  fragmentary)  are  walking  to- 
ward the  left,  one  well  behind  the  other  as  though  in  a  pro- 
cession. Each  of  them  is  just  in  the  act  of  taking  a  step,  the 
left  foot  for  the  moment  bearing  the  weight,  while  the  right 
knee  is  bent  and  the  right  toes  are  just  touching  the  ground. 
The  head  of  the  foremost  boy  is  in  profile  and  he  appears 
to  have  short  hair,  an  unusual  feature  in  the  camillus.  His 
straight,  girded  tunic  does  not  reach  the  knees,  while  the 
m<ippa  over  his  left  shoulder  falls  just  below  the  girdle  in 
front  but  in  back  reaches  to  the  lower  edge  of  the  tunic. 
"With  his  right  hand  he  grasps  the  handle  of  a  pitcher  and  in 
his  left  he  holds  a  long-handled  patera.  So  far  as  one  may 
judge,  the  figure  behind  him  repeats  his  pose  and  dress  except 
for  the  position  of  the  arm.  This  second  lad  holds  in  his  left 
hand  a  platter  or  tray  on  which  is  a  small  round  box  with 
a  cover,  not  unlike  a  Greek  lady's  toilet  box  (pyxis).  Ap- 
parently this  is  an  unusual  form  of  the  acerra,  for  with  his 
right  hand  the  boy  holds  a  pinch  of  the  incense.  A  realistic 
touch  is  seen  in  the  three  fingers  spread  apart  while  the 
thumb  and  fore-finger  are  pressed  tightly  together  to  secure 

"  Cf.  Bernoulli,  Mom.  Ikon.  Il\  Taf.  XXII. 
"Wilpert,  p.  13,  Fig.  11a.    Cf.  Strong,  p.  98,  note. 


31 

the  tiny  grains.  This  relief  is  without  the  rich  folds  and 
elaborate  detail  that  mark  the  dress  and  attributes  of  the 
camilli  on  the  Ara  Pacis.  Yet  it  has  a  charm  of  reserve  and 
a  beauty  of  line  as  attractive.  Perhaps  cOrmilU  in  the  court- 
sacrifices  share  the  elegance  that  marks  a  court,  while  in  this 
fragment  we  have  only  a  familiar  service  done  in  everyday 
costume.  Whatever  the  reason  for  these  minor  differences, 
the  same  qualities  of  youth  and  dignity  and  physical  charm 
mark  all  these  lads,  while  their  similar  attributes  identify 
them  as  camilli. 

A  fourth  scene  of  sacrifice,  also  in  the  Louvre,^^  is  assigned 
to  the  Augustan  Age.  The  camillus  who  stands  behind  the 
altar  holding  an  open  acerra,  wears  tunic  and  toga  and  ap- 
pears older  than  any  thus  far  noted.  This  may  be  due  in 
part  to  the  fact  that  the  nose  and  upper  lip  are  restorations ; 
in  part  to  an  imperfectly  successful  variation  from  a  profile 
view  of  the  face.^'* 

From  the  five  scenes  of  sacrifice  thus  far  discussed  we  may 
fairly  conclude  that  the  Augustan  type  of  the  camillus  dif- 
fered in  no  essential  points  from  the  figures  on  the  Ara  Pacis. 
The  youth  with  girded  tunic  and  long  hair  fastened  in  a 

^'Giraudon,  phot.  1927;  Eeinach,  Sep.  St.  I,  p.  109;  Mon.  Piot,  XVII, 
p.  190.     The  right  arm  of  the  figure  behind  the  priest  is  restored. 

^  The  arch  of  Augustus  at  Susa,  although  far  removed  in  style  from 
these  reliefs,  is  adorned  with  allied  subjects.  The  sculptured  frieze 
seems  like  a  caricature  of  Eoman  work  and  is  all  the  more  interesting 
because  it  presents  familiar  figures  in  a  strange  guise.  On  the  north  and 
south  friezes  the  central  scene  is  one  of  sacrifice.  On  the  south  an  altar 
occupies  the  middle  space  and  at  the  left  a  priest  with  veiled  head  pours 
a  libation.  Two  ministri  (camilli)  in  short  tunics  stand  behind  him;  one 
carries  a  pitcher  and  the  other  holds  a  sacrificial  knife  and  a  patera  filled 
with  offerings.  To  the  right  of  the  altar  another  attendant  in  a  similar 
costume  holds  in  his  right  hand  a  patera.  On  the  north  side  three  at- 
tendants are  similarly  grouped  about  the  altar  and  the  priest.  The 
attributes  which  two  of  them  carry  are  again  patera  and  pitcher,  but 
the  one  just  behind  the  priest  holds  an  object  which  may  be  an  acerra. 
It  is  obvious  that  these  six  youths  (?)  represent  the  caviillus-type  which 
was  so  usual  an  accompaniment  of  sacrificial  scenes  in  Eome.  See 
Ferrero,  L'Arc  d' Augusts  a  Su^a,  pp.  24,  25,  PI.  IX,  X. 


32 

knot,  carrying  a  fringed  toweP^  and  the  patera^  pitcher,  or 
incense-box,  is  a  clearly  defined  member  of  the  group  which 
offers  sacrifice.  Inferior  in  age  and  dignity  to  the  priest,  he 
yet  seems  by  his  dress  and  bearing  as  well  as  by  his  position 
(usually  near  the  priest)  somewhat  superior  to  the  half- 
nude  boys  in  charge  of  the  animals.  His  duties  are  closer 
to  the  heart  of  the  ceremony  even  than  those  of  his  "  brother, 
the  flute-player."^® 

From  the  Flavian  period  we  find  few  illustrations  of  the 
camillus.  On  an  altar  erected  before  the  temple  of  Vespasian 
at  Pompeii,^'''  a  scene  of  sacrifice  is  represented  upon  the 
front  face  and  sacrificial  implements  on  the  sides.  The  sacri- 
fice takes  place  before  the  portico  of  a  tetrastyle  temple,  doubt- 
less this  very  temple  before  which  the  marble  altar  stands. 
A  priest  with  veiled  head  pours  a  libation  upon  a  tripod-altar, 
while  behind  him  is  a  tiny  boy,  dressed  in  the  usual  girded 
tunic  with  sleeves  of  elbow-length.  His  long  hair  is  gathered 
into  a  knot  at  the  back  of  his  neck.  The  long,  narrow  mappa 
proves  too  large  for  the  little  fellow's  shoulders  and  he  has 
adjusted  it  around  his  neck  so  that  it  falls  below  the  lower 
edge  of  his  tunic  on  either  side  in  front  like  a  long  scarf. 
The  pitcher  and  patera  with  handle  seem  almost  too  heavy 
for  his  hands.  The  man  holding  a  dish  who  stands  behind 
the  small  camillus  is  unlike  the  tyjie  which  we  considered  in 
Augustan  art,  although  the  little  lad  perfectly  agrees  with  it. 
Herr  Mau  calls  this  figure  also  a  camillus^^  but  probably 
uses  the  term  as  equivalent  to  "  attendant."  A  similar  figure 
on  the  altar  of  Manlius  holds  a  dish  in  one  hand  and  a  mal- 
leus in  the  other.  He  is  called  a  victimarius  by  Wilpert^'' 
and  the  term  probably  applies  to  the  Pompeian  figure  as 

»  Twice  omitted,  pp.  29,  31. 
*Suet.,  Tib.  44. 

"  Mau-Kelsey,  Pompeii,  p.  107,  Fig.  43;  Wilpert,  p.  10,  Fig.  9a;  Over- 
beck,  Pompeii,  p.  92;  Phot.  Alinari  11408. 
"  Op.  cit.  p.  106. 
"  Op.  cit.  p.  24. 


33 

well.  Thus  far  the  sculptors  have  represented  the  mappa  as 
an  attribute  of  the  camillus,  wherever  he  appears  in  a  given 
relief.^*^  The  probabilities  are  in  favor  of  associating  this 
figure  holding  the  dish  with  the  other  victimarii  rather  than 
with  the  camillus.  Yet  we  cannot  prove  that  the  Roman 
sculptors  of  this  period  were  careful  to  distinguish  sharply 
between  the  various  classes  of  attendants.  Besides  those 
camilli  who  unmistakably  carry  on  the  traditions  of  the 
Au^stan  age,  there  are  other  attendants  who  suggest  these 
in  some  points  only.  The  important  fact  is  that  there  is  an 
unbroken  continuity  in  the  recurrence  of  this  art-type,  even 
though  variants  of  it  sometimes  occur  on  the  same  relief. 

Below  the  attic  of  the  Arch  of  Titus  in  the  Roman  Forum, 
runs  a  frieze  which  is  less  known  than  the  great  panels  of 
the  passage-way.^^  The  figure  of  the  Jordan  is  borne  on  a 
stretcher  while  soldiers  and  citizens  follow.  A  bull  is  led 
to  sacrifice  and  one  member  of  the  accompanying  procession 
is  a  familiar  figure.  In  a  short,  girded  tunic,  a  boy  with  long 
hair  marches  quickly  forward  with  a  wine-pitcher  in  his 
hand.  The  confusion  of  attributes  is  illustrated  again  in  the 
victimarius,  a  man  nude  to  the  waist,  who  also  carries  a  liba- 
tion-jug. 

A  generation  passed  between  the  dedication  of  the  Arch  of 
Titus  and  the  erection  of  Trajan's  column.^^  Whatever  the 
changes  in  technique,  religious  art-types  continued  the  tra- 
ditions of  early  Imperial  sculpture.  Wherever  the  emi)eror 
appears  actually  engaged  in  sacrifice,  a  youthful  camillus 
stands  with  him  at  the  altar.  At  the  beginning  of  his  cam- 
paign against  the  Dacians,  Trajan  holds  a  lustratioJ^  We 
see  the  emperor's  tent  and  beyond  it  the  tents  and  standards 

*°  The  camillus  also  has  long  hair.  The  only  exceptions  thus  far  are 
the  reliefs  from  the  Mus.  Naz.  (p.  30)  and  the  Louvre  (p.  31). 

*•  Bartoli,  Admiranda,  PI.  I;  Reinaeh,  Ecp.  Eel.  I,  p.  275. 

"Published  by  Frohner,  La  Colonne  Trajane.  References  following 
are  to  his  plates. 

«F.  I.,  PI.  35;  Ciehorius  I,  Taf.  X,  VIII  (23). 


34 

of  the  legions,  while  just  outside  the  camp  are  the  three 
animals  about  to  be  slain.  At  the  tent  door  stands  the  em- 
peror with  veiled  head,  pouring  a  libation  upon  the  flaming 
altar.  Beside  him  are  his  officers  but  in  front  of  the  altar  a 
little  boy  stands  looking  up  at  Trajan.  He  is  conspicuous 
because  of  his  youth  and  his  evident  association  with  the 
very  act  of  sacrifice.  In  his  right  hand  is  the  pitcher  from 
which  the  lustral  wine  has  just  been  poured  out.  The  hair 
falling  over  his  shoulders  but  cut  short  in  front  confirms  his 
association  with  camilli,  and  his  girded  tunic  differs  only  in 
its  greater  breadth  from  those  of  the  Augustan  attendants. 
There  is  no  trace  of  the  mappa  here  or  on  any  similar  figure 
upon  this  column.  The  whole  conception  of  the  Trajanic 
camillus  seems  less  ideal  than,  for  example,  that  of  the  young- 
est boy  on  the  Ara  Pads.  The  garment  of  the  latter  covers 
but  does  not  conceal  his  erect  figure  while  its  surfaces  are 
treated  in  broad  and  simple  folds.  On  the  column,  the  tunic 
is  too  wide  for  perfect  grace  and  the  folds  at  the  back  and 
over  the  girdle  detract  from  the  possible  charm  of  the  youth- 
ful figure.  The  hair  and  features,  too,  are  less  suggestive 
of  the  aristocrat.  The  shoes  which  the  lad  wears  are  a  neces- 
sary accompaniment  for  the  long  march  just  begun. 

A  second  lustratio^^  occurs  in  the  last  campaign  of  the 
first  war.  Again  the  camillus  stands  facing  the  emperor  at 
the  opposite  side  of  the  altar.  The  camp-wall  hides  most  of 
his  figure  but  the  long  hair  which  in  back  falls  over  his 
shoulders,  is  dressed  on  a  high  frame  in  front  after  the  fashion 
of  court-ladies  in  this  period."*^  Early  in  the  second  war,  a 
sacrifice  of  bulls  is  offered.^^  Upon  the  altar  piled  high  with 
fruit  Trajan  pours  libations,  while  a  camillus  holds  toward 
him  an  open  acerra.  Here,  too,  the  boy's  long  hair  is  dressed 
high  in  front.    Shortly  after  this,  a  second  sacrifice  is  held'*^ 

"F.  II,  PI.  76;  Cichor.  I,  Taf.  XXXVIII,  LIII. 
«  Cf.  Bernoulli,  Edm.  Il^on.  IV,  XXIX,  a,  b. 
♦«F.  Ill,  PI.  116;  Cichor.  II,  Taf.  LXIII,  LXXXVI. 
"F.  Ill,  PI.  120;  Cichor.  II,  Taf.  LXVI,  XCI. 


35 

when  the  army  has  reached  Dalmatia.  Again  the  camillus 
holds  an  open  incense-box  ready  for  the  emperor's  use.  This 
time  the  little  boy's  hair  is  simply  waved  on  his  head  and 
falls  in  natural  curls  on  his  neck.  As  usual  he  looks  earnestly 
at  Trajan,  awaiting  the  moment  of  service.  Presently  the 
Emperor  is  seen  again  beside  an  altar^^  with  his  famous 
bridge  over  the  Danube  in  the  background.  The  camillus 
with  the  acerra  wears  a  broad  tunic  which  covers  his  arms 
with  its  overhanging  folds.  His  long  straight  hair  is  dressed 
in  feminine  fashion  but  in  front  seems  to  be  worked  with 
the  drill  into  a  double  row  of  the  tight  curls  affected  by  the 
Flavio-Trajanic  empresses.*® 

In  the  second  part  of  the  campaign,  Trajan,  riding  ahead 
of  his  troops,  approaches  an  altar  where  a  bull  is  to  be  sacri- 
ficed.^*^ Between  the  bull  and  the  altar  a  small  lad,  holding 
an  acerra,  watches  the  Emperor's  advance.  Again  the  back 
of  the  over-broad  tunic  is  seen,  as  the  figure  stands  facing 
obliquely  away  from  us.  The  long  hair  is  brought  over  a 
high  frame  in  front.  A  lustratio  follows  shortly.*^^  Within 
the  camp,  Trajan,  with  veiled  head,  pours  a  libation  upon  the 
altar  while  a  small  attendant  with  long,  carefully  waved  hair 
holds  the  usual  incense-box. 

In  the  seven  examples  of  the  camillus  thus  brought  before 

us  on  Trajan's  column,  an  attribute  appears  six  times.    Once, 

and  only  once,  it  is  a  wine-pitcher :  in  all  other  cases  it  is  an 

incense-box.     The  camillus  is  always  represented  with  long 

hair  and  four  times  the  elaborate  coiffure  of  the  court-ladies 

is  imitated.     The  tunic  is  not  different  in  form  from  the 

Augustan  but  the  increased  breadth  takes  away  from  the 

grace  of  its  folds.    We  may  see  here  the  influence  of  foreign 

dress.^^     The  mapjya  is  uniformly  absent,  yet  the  general 

type  of  the  camillus  is  a  direct  descendant  of  the  Augustan. 

♦T.  Ill,  PI.  129;  Ciehor.  II,  Taf.  LXXII,  XCIX. 
*"  Bernoulli,  op.  cit.  IP,  PI.  XIII  to  XVI,  XXX,  XXXI. 
^F.  Ill,  PI.  132;  Ciehor.  II,  Taf.  LXXV,  CII. 
"F.  Ill,  PI.  134;  Ciehor.  II,  Taf.  LXXVI,  CIII. 

«Wilpert,  p.  25. 


36 

On  the  arch  of  Trajan  at  Benevento,  erected  about  114 
A.D.,  a  scene  of  sacrifice^^  is  represented  on  one  of  the  panels 
in  the  passage  of  the  archway.  The  emperor,  surrounded  by 
his  suite,  stands  near  a  tripod  upon  which  offerings  are 
heaj)ed.  In  the  foreground  are  two  camiUi  easily  recognized 
because  of  their  youth  and  their  attributes.  The  one  behind 
the  tripod  might  be  copied  from  the  column  of  Trajan,  so 
perfectly  does  he  reproduce  the  attitude  of  the  camilli  who 
hold  an  acerra.^^  On  the  Arch,  however,  the  boy's  head 
is  somewhat  injured  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  his  long 
hair  is  dressed  in  a  feminine  coiffure  in  front  or  not.  The 
second  figure  is  poorly  preserved  and  lacks  both  head  and 
hands.  Above  the  tunic,  over  the  left  shoulder,  however, 
there  appears  the  fringed  mappd,  which  indicates  that  we 
have  here  a  second  camillus.  Figures  closely  resembling  these 
two  occur  on  the  narrow  reliefs  which  adorn  the  tops  of  the 
pylons,  and  are  also  to  be  seen  on  the  narrow  frieze  which 
runs  around  the  arch.  They  wear  the  high  head-dress  of 
ladies  of  the  Flavio-Trajanic  period,*^^  and  several  of  them 
carry  shields. 

The  period  of  the  Antonines  is  marked  by  little  artistic 
originality  except  in  portraiture  and  we  look,  therefore,  for 
a  continuation  of  the  camillus-tjipe  which  is  now  part  of  the 
"  alphabet  of  expression  "  in  scenes  of  sacrifice.  On  one  of 
the  three  panel-reliefs  in  the  Palace  of  the  Conservatori  which 
are  associated  with  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurclius,  there  is 
represented  the  sacrifice  of  a  bull.'^^  As  usual  the  central 
foreground  is  occupied  by  the  tripod-altar  behind  which  the 
Emperor  and  a  camillus  stand  side  by  side.  The  Emperor's 
outstretched  right  hand  with  the  patera  almost  hides  the 
acerra  which  the  boy  holds  in  both  hands.  The  short,  girded 
tunic  is  broad  enough  to  fall  over  the  forearm  as  in  the  Tra- 

"/ftid.  p.  14,  Fig.  12a;  Strong,  PI.  LXVI;  Phot.  Alinari  11497. 

"  Cf.  especially  F.  Ill,  PI.  129. 

»  Strong,  p.  223. 

"Strong,  PI.  XCI,  8;  Phot.  Alinari  6043. 


SACRIFICIAL    GROUP    ^ANT0N|^E). 
Rome.      Palace  of  the  Conservatori. 


37 

janic  type,  and  over  the  left  shoulder  hangs  a  fringed  mappa. 
The  lad  is  represented  with  the  high  shoes  such  as  are  worn 
by  the  others  in  the  group.  Long  curls  fall  over  his  shoulders 
while  below  the  wreath  wavy  locks  have  been  drawn  in  band- 
like fashion  round  his  head  and  probably  knotted  behind. 
Associated  with  this^^  is  a  second  sacrifice,  a  lustratio,  now 
on  the  arch  of  Constantine.'^  The  camillus  differs  in  no 
essential  from  the  one  just  described.  His  hair  under  the 
wreath  ends  in  short  curls  on  his  forehead  and  the  long  locks 
are  carefully  arranged  in  rows  of  curls  of  different  lengths. 
The  dignity  of  the  two  upright  figures,  the  Emperor  and  the 
camillus,  is  emphasized  by  the  stooping  posture  of  the  victi- 
marii  who  lead  the  pig  and  the  sheep  at  either  side  of  the 
altar.  A  similarly  contrasted  group  was  noted  on  the  Ara 
Pacis.^^ 

A  much-restored  relief  in  the  Louvre*'"  appears  to  have 
come  from  an  Antonine  monument,  perhaps  an  Arch  once 
standing  in  the  Forum  of  Trajan.^^  Two  boys  stand  beside 
an  altar  restored  and  one  of  them  is  certainly  of  the  camillus- 
type.  With  long  hair  laurel-crowned,  and  a  girded  tunic 
with  the  mappa  falling  over  the  left  shoulder  to  well  below 
the  girdle  in  front,  with  an  open  acerra  which  rests  on  the 
left  hand  and  arm  while  the  right  hand  holds  up  the  cover, 
this  figure  coincides  with  the  figure  on  the  Conservatori-relief 
and  with  the  type  under  consideration.  The  head  and  arms 
of  the  second  lad  are  restorations  but  there  are  traces  of  a 
mappa.  Over  his  tunic  he  wears  a  mantle  which  covers  the 
left  shoulder  and  is  brought  under  the  right  arm.  Near  the 
center  of  the  group  a  third  figure  must  have  represented  a 
similar  type  for,  though  the  head  and  shoulders  are  restored, 

"  Petersen,  Bom.  Mitt.  1890,  73  ff.  and  Stuart-Jones,  B.  S.  S.  P.  Ill, 
p.  251  ff. 

■«  Strong,  PI.  XCII,  9;  Phot.  Anderson  2535. 

»•  See  p.  26. 

«>  Giraudon,  phot.  1926. 

"5.  S.  B.  P.  IV,  p.  230,  A.  J.  B.  Wace. 


38 

above  the  edge  of  the  mantle,  by  the  left  arm,  are  obvious 
traces  of  a  mappa.^^ 

On  the  column  of  Marcus  Aurelius  there  are  several  scenes 
of  sacrifice;  unfortunately  they  are  for  the  most  part  too 
mutilated  to  be  of  service  for  study.  One  scene^^  shows  the 
Emperor  pouring  libations  upon  an  altar,  but  instead  of  the 
familiar  boy's  figure  we  see  only  bearded  courtiers  at  his 
side.  Once,  however,  behind  the  Emperor  who  holds  a  patera, 
there  is  seen  a  little  boy  in  short,  girded  tunic  who  holds  an 
incense-box.  His  hair  seems  to  be  short,  but  the  head  is  much 
injured.    There  is  no  trace  of  a  mappa. 

One  monument  of  the  early  third  century  represents  the 
camillus.  The  Monumentum  Argentariorum  was  erected  in 
204  A.D.  by  the  " argentarii  et  negotiantes  hoarii"^^  in  honor 
of  Septimius  Severus  and  his  family.  Narrow  bands  of  re- 
lief contain  the  various  implements  for  sacrifice,  the  acerra, 
patera,  urceus,  lituus  and  the  like.  In  companion  reliefs  on 
the  interior  bases  of  the  structure,  the  sacrifice  of  a  bull  is 
represented,^^  Two  camilli  in  each  case  stand  side  by  side 
at  one  end  of  the  group.  Each  wears  a  mappa  over  the  left 
shoulder  of  his  tunic  and  has  long  hair.  One  carries  an 
acerra,  the  other  a  patera  and  a  wine-jug.  On  the  attic  of 
this  same  monument  four  camilli  are  gi'ouped  conventionally, 
two  on  either  side  of  a  candelabrum.^^  Unlike  the  similar 
group  on  Trajan's  Arch  at  Benevento,  three  of  these  wear 
the  mappa  characteristic  of  camilli,  but  for  the  sake  of  sym- 
metry it  appears  in  two  figures  on  the  right  instead  of  the 
left  shoulder.  The  figures  are  too  much  injured  to  yield 
definite  information  in  details,  but  the  pitcher  in  the  hand  of 
one  confirms  our  belief  that  these  are  really  adaptations  of 

•"A  drawing  of  this  group  unrestored  is  found  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus 
on  leaf  f88  (published  by  A.  J.  B.  Wace  in  B.  S.  E.  P.  IV,  PI.  23.  Cf. 
pp.  236,  252  ff.).     Cf.  Mon.  Plot  1910,  XVII,  p.  239. 

«  Petersen,  Die  Marcus-Saille  II,  PI.  83  B,  cf .  I,  PI.  38  B. 

"  C.  I.  L.  VI',  1035. 

"Wilpert,  p.  15,  Fig.  13a;  Phot.  Alinari  28857. 

"Wilpert,  p.  3,  Fig.  2a. 


39 

the  camillus-ty^e.  Apart  from  their  usual  setting  in  a  scene 
of  sacrifice,  they  adapt  themselves  to  a  conventional  and  deco- 
rative grouping. 

One  hundred  years  later  a  column  was  erected  in  the  Roman 
Forum  by  Diocletian  and  his  fellow-rulers.^ '^  On  one  side  of 
the  square  base  the  emperor  appears  in  the  act  of  sacrificing 
and  a  camillus  holds  the  incense-box.  The  boy  is  represented 
in  accordance  with  that  type  which  we  have  seen  on  various 
monuments  throughout  the  Imperial  period  but  in  common 
with  all  the  sculptured  decoration  of  this  base  the  lad's 
figure  is  mechanically  executed. 

The  presence  of  a  camillus  was  required  also  at  the  private 
sacrifices  held  during  marriage-ceremonies.  A  grave-altar, 
now  in  the  Vatican,  which  dates  from  the  first  century  of  the 
Empire,^*  presents  a  unique  combination  of  the  dextrarum 
iunctio  and  the  wedding-sacrifice.  A  man  and  woman  with 
hands  clasped  stand  at  either  side  of  a  fruit-laden  altar.  Be- 
side the  woman  is  an  attendant  {camillus?)  with  long,  care- 
fully arranged  hair  and  the  usual  short  girded  tunic. 

The  earliest  sarcophagus  thus  far  found  on  which  a  camil- 
lus appears  was  made  during  the  second  century  and  was 
discovered  at  Monticelli  near  Tivoli.  Formerly  in  the  Cam- 
pana  Museum  at  Rome,^^  it  is  now  in  St.  Petersburg.'^''  On 
the  front  of  the  sarcophagus  the  wedding-sacrifice  is  repre- 
sented. The  central  group  consists  of  Juno  pronuha  with  the 
bride  and  bridegroom.  Between  the  bridal  pair  is  an  altar 
upon  which  the  bridegroom  pours  wine  from  a  patera.  The 
group  behind  the  bride  is  composed  chiefly  of  symbolic  fig- 
ures conceived  in  the  Greek  manner,  but  at  the  opposite  side 
of  the  altar  the  picture  shows  more  Roman  characteristics. 
Even  here,  however.  Victory  is  present  with  her  palm-branch. 

"Cf.  Hiilsen-Carter,  Eoman  Forum  (1909),  p.  97. 
=^W.  Amelung,  Sculpturen  d.   Vat.  Mm.,  I,  Taf,  22,  n.  34,  p.  194; 
Eossbach,  p.  38. 

'"  D 'Eseamps,  Mus.  Campana,  p.  107. 

">  Kieseritzky,  Ermitage,  n.  192.    Cf.  Amelung,  op.  cit.  II,  p.  292. 


40 

Just  before  the  ox  which  is  being  led  in,  stands  a  familiar 
little  figure  wearing  a  long  full  tunic  pulled  through  the 
girdle  so  as  to  form  a  deep  Jcolpos,  or  blouse.  His  long  hair 
is  bound  by  a  fillet  and  he  holds  in  his  hands  an  object  that 
resembles  the  acerra  of  public  sacrifices.  The  little  one  in 
a  long  tunic  who  holds  an  armful  of  flowers  and  fruit  and 
looks  up  at  the  bridegroom,  is  probably  a  child  of  one  of  the 
households  concerned.  The  camillus  however  is  conceived  in 
as  gracious  and  dignified  a  spirit  as  the  attendants  on  the 
Ara  Pads.  Allied  with  this  relief  in  subject  is  a  relief  on 
a  sarcophagus  in  the  Vatican,  which  is  probably  somewhat 
later,  for  certain  figures  are  represented  with  a  beard.  The 
St.  Petersburg  sarcophagus  in  style  antedates  the  beginning 
of  Hadrian's  reign:  the  Vatican  relief  belongs  to  the  sub- 
sequent period.'''^ 

A  sarcophagus  in  the  Belvidere  of  the  Vatican  is  also 
attributed  to  the  second  century.  At  the  feet  of  an  elderly 
bridegroom  is  a  boy  holding  a  sacrificial  knife  and  a  (re- 
stored) patera:  at  the  bride's  feet  is  a  little  girl  with  an 
acerra  J  ^    The  interpretation  is  doubtful. 

From  the  Antonine  period,  a  second  sarcophagus  is 
found. '^^  On  the  fagade  a  laurel-crowned  camillus  stands 
behind  a  man  who  is  sacrificing.  In  his  hand  the  boy  holds 
a  ladle  for  dipping  out  wine.  On  one  end  of  the  same  sar- 
cophagus the  three  Graces  appear,  and  one  of  them  whose 
dress  is  evidently  influenced  by  the  camillus-tj-pe  holds  a 
ladle  and  an  acerra.^ 

From  this  period,  or  shortly  after,  comes  a  well-preserved 
relief^^  representing  at  one  end  the  dextrarum  iunctio  and 
at  the  other  the  nuptial  sacrifice.     Behind  the  vidimarius 

"Amelung,  op.  cit.  II,  Taf.  27,  n.  102°,  p.  290;  Kossbach,  p.  105  ff. 

"Probably  a  toilette-box.  Cf.  Amelung,  op.  cit.  II,  Taf.  17,  p.  156; 
Eossbach,  p.  173  f. 

"Rossbach,  p.  153  ff.     In  Mantua,  Accad.  Verg. 

'*Ibid.,  p.  94  ff.;  Pistolesi,  II  Vaticano,  V,  Tav.  97.  In  Sala  delle 
Muse,  Vatican. 


41 

with  his  axe  comes  a  camillus.  His  long  hair  doubtless 
accounts  for  Platner's  error'^'^  in  calling  him  a  woman.  The 
girded  tunic,  barely  reaching  to  the  knees  and  hardly  cover- 
ing the  upper  arm,  proves  his  sex.  His  attributes  are  a  six- 
sided  box  and  a  wine-jug. 

In  the  church  of  San  Lorenzo  fuori  le  mura  at  Eome, 
there  is  a  sarcophagus  from  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus. 
On  the  fagade"^®  appears  a  similar  combination  of  scenes  to 
that  just  described.  Beside  the  person  making  the  offer- 
ing are  seen  the  heads  and  shoulders  of  two  youths.  The 
head  of  one  is  much  injured  but  apparently  the  same  drapery 
occurs  at  the  neck  of  each.  The  one  nearest  the  altar  carries 
an  attribute  which  may  be  a  sacrificial  cake,  although  its 
nature  can  not  be  determined  with  certainty."^  ^ 

In  the  Campo  Santo  at  Pisa^^  there  is  a  sarcophagus  which 
presents  an  interesting  variation  from  those  just  referred  to. 
Five  arches  divide  the  front  into  as  many  niches.  The 
Dioscuri  occupy  those  at  either  end,  in  the  central  one  appear 
a  bride  and  bridegroom  accompanied  by  Juno  Pronuba  and 
Hymenaeus,  while  two  groups  of  friends  fill  the  remaining 
spaces.  On  one  end  of  the  sarcophagus  a  bull  is  led  to  sacri- 
fice by  two  bearded  men.  On  the  other  end  are  three  youths, 
wearing  short  girded  tunics  and  high  shoes.  One  has  a  long 
narrow  fringed  scarf  over  his  left  shoulder  and  carries  a 
pitcher  and  a  patera  with  a  long  handle  which  ends  in  a 
ram's  head.  This  seems  to  be  a  representation  of  the  camillus 
as  he  is  found  in  attendance  upon  ordinary  sacrifice.  The 
lad  next  to  him  holds  a  double  flute  which  marks  him  as 
a  tibicen,  but  the  third  figure  holds  a  closed  box,  either  the 

■^Beschr.  d.  Stadt  Bom,  IP,  p.  220. 

"  Eossbacb,  p.  40  ff. 

"  These  marriage-scenes  offer  no  decisive  evidence  as  to  the  cumcrum 
of  Festus  III  (48)  p.  63.  The  box  (once  hexagonal)  which  twice  ap- 
pears as  an  attribute  in  these  scenes  might  be  either  a  cutnerum  or  an 
acerra.    See  D.  et  S,,  Cumerum,  Cumera;  Pauly-Wissowa,  Cumerum. 

"Eossbach,  p.  167. 


42 

acerra  of  ordinary  sacrifice  or  the  cumerum  peculiar  to  mar- 
riage rites.  The  style  of  the  reliefs  suggests  the  third  or 
fourth  century  of  the  Empire.  Apparently  the  camillus- 
type  is  used  here  with  a  view  to  its  decorative  value,  although 
it  is  entirely  appropriate  to  the  subject  of  the  series.  The 
tibicen  is  here  conformed  exactly  to  this  type  although  he 
is  ordinarily  more  advanced  in  years. 

On  a  fourth  century  sarcophagus  in  the  Lateran*^^  the  two 
delicatae,  or  attendants  at  a  banquet,  show  the  influence  of 
the  c(imillus-tj])e  in  costume  and  pose.  One  carries  the 
towel  over  his  shoulder  and  the  patera  and  pitcher  in  his 
hands ;  the  other  holds  a  platter  containing  food  as  a  substi- 
tute for  the  acerra. 

There  is  no  stronger  evidence  for  the  formal  adoption  of  an 
art-type  into  the  artists'  "vocabulary"  than  its  introduction 
into  scenes  of  alien  spirit.  The  camillus-tji^e  is  essentially 
Roman  in  its  development  and  in  the  origin  of  many  details. 
!N'evertheless  we  occasionally  find  it  introduced  into  scenes 
from  Greek  mythology  with  strange  effect.  Three  instances 
may  suffice  for  illustration :  all  are  drawn  from  reliefs  upon 
sarcophagi  of  the  Imperial  period.  The  first^*^  represents  the 
preparation  for  the  chariot-race  between  Pelops  and  Oeno- 
maus, — a  scene  which  is  thoroughly  Greek  in  its  import  and 
in  which  the  figures  are  for  the  most  part  represented  in 
"ideal  nudity."  To  the  left  of  the  altar,  however,  there 
stands  a  little  figure  which  has  evidently  come  to  be  almost  a 
necessary  concomitant  of  a  sculptured  altar.  Like  the  Ro- 
man camilli,  he  wears  a  simple  girded  tunic  and  his  hair  is 
long.  He  holds  a  basket  of  fruit  for  the  sacrifice  and  looks 
at  Oenomaus  with  the  intent  gaze  which  we  have  so  often 
seen  directed  toward  the  Roman  priest. 

Two  examples  of  this  odd  commingling  of  Greek  and 
Roman  types  may  be  found  in  connection  with  the  story  of 

"Wilpert,  p.  26,  fig.  16^ 

'"Ann.  deir  Inst.  XXX,  Tav.  K,  pp.  163,  164,  168.  In  the  "ilex 
avenue"  of  the  Villa  Celimontana  at  Eome. 


43 

Jason.  On  one  end  of  a  sarcophagus,®^  Jason  is  represented 
in  the  act  of  sacrifice  at  his  own  wedding  with  Creusa.  At 
the  opposite  side  of  the  altar  stands  a  camillus,  holding 
either  an  acerra  or  a  dish  containing  sacrificial  cakes.  A 
drawing  from  the  Codex  Pighianus  in  Berlin^^  reproduces  a 
relief  representing  three  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  same 
hero.  The  third  is  again  the  wedding  sacrifice.  Creusa, 
Jason,  and  Juno  Pronuba  form  such  a  group  as  is  found  on 
various  sarcophagi  illustrating  marriages.®^  The  Roman 
character  of  this  whole  scene  differentiates  it  from  the  taming 
of  the  bulls  or  the  capture  of  the  Golden  Fleece  which  pre- 
cede it.  In  these  Jason  appears  nude  except  for  a  chlamys 
or  a  warrior's  helmet ;  in  the  third  scene  he  is  attired  not  as 
a  Greek  bridegroom,  but  as  a  Roman  soldier.  Our  thought  is 
so  swiftly  transferred  from  the  realm  of  Greek  mythology  to 
the  familiar  marriage-scene  of  Roman  genre  that  the  camillus 
with  his  patera  seems  but  a  natural  feature.  It  is  only  when 
we  look  back  again  to  the  earlier  scenes  from  the  story  that  we 
realize  the  incongruity  of  the  whole  wedding-group.  This 
side  of  the  sarcophagus  affords  an  excellent  illustration  of 
eclectic  possibilities :  Jason  grappling  with  the  bulls  reminds 
us  of  the  frequently  recurring  scene  on  Greek  temples,  where- 
in Heracles  struggles  with  the  Cretan  bull ;  Jason  and  Medea 
beside  the  dragon-guarded  tree  recall  the  garden  of  the  Hes- 
perides  so  frequently  represented  on  vases,  and  finally,  when 
the  artist  comes  to  a  marriage-scene,  he  falls,  unconsciously 
perhaps,  into  the  current  artistic  vocabulary  of  Imperial 
Rome. 

«'  C.  Eobert,  Die  Ant.  Sarh.-Bel,  II,  Taf .  LXV,  201a. 
^  Ibid.,  II,  LXI,  190\ 
*^  Rossbach,  passim. 


11.     Statues  Representing  the  "  Camillus  "-Type 

The  essential  fitness  of  any  subject  for  expression  in  a 
statue  is  quite  apart  from  its  appropriateness  for  relief- 
sculpture.  Artists  at  Rome,  however,  presented  in  the  round 
the  type  already  discussed  and  the  result  is  eminently  satis- 
factory. The  quiet  pose,  the  simple  lines  of  the  garment,  the 
natural  and  graceful  position  of  the  hands  combine  to  present 
a  genuinely  sculptural  theme.  Physical  charm  was  an  essen- 
tial qualification  for  the  camillus  and  its  representation 
raises  these  statues  to  the  level  of  beautiful  art,  while  the 
gracious  dignity  of  one  associated  with  priestly  things  invests 
this  type  with  all  that  is  needed  to  make  it  truly  fine  art. 

This  subject  was  pleasing  to  the  Romans  as  to  us,  for  half  a 

dozen  or  more  statues  representing  it  are  still  extant.     The 

best  known,  the  bronze  figure  in  the  Conservatori  at  Rome,^ 

was  originally  identified  from  similar  figures  on  reliefs.    An 

anonymous  Italian  of  the  fifteenth  century  may  refer  to  this 

when  he  speaks  of  a  "Zingara"  in  the  collection  of  the 

Capitol:  in  1573  Andrea  Fulvio,  giving  a  poetic  account  of 

the  same  collection,  refers  to  a  bronze 

" togatus 

stansque  peroranti  similis,  suhlatus  ad  auras.^'^ 

The  excellent  preservation  of  the  statue  suggests  that  it  has 

always  been  kept  in  some  sacred  place,  but  unfortunately  we 

know  nothing  further  of  its  history.    The  lad  wears  a  girded 

tunic  of  greater  breadth  than  those  worn  by  the  figures  on 

the  A7'a  Pads.    Two  narrow  strips  of  copper  set  in  from  the 

shoulders  to  the  lower  border  of  the  garment  serve  to  indicate 

the  purple  stripes  of  the  white  tunica  praetexta.    The  sandals 

are  adorned  with  silver  oraaments  and  the  rendering  of  seams 

'  Brunn-Br.  316. 

*Bev.  Arch.  1882,  pp.  26,  28. 

44 


BRONZE    CAMILLUS. 
Rome.     Palace  of  the  Conservatori. 


45 

and  stitching  on  the  sleeves  is  in  keeping  with  the  careful 
finish  of  the  whole.  The  camillus  stands  at  ease  with  his 
weight  borne  by  the  right  foot  and  the  left  one  drawn  slightly 
back  with  the  heel  raised.  His  head  is  turned  to  the  right  and 
his  glance  follows  the  movement  of  his  raised  right  hand 
which  may  have  held  a  patera.  The  attribute  in  the  left  hand 
may  have  been  a  wine-pitcher.  The  mappa  is  not  indicated 
and  perhaps  the  artist  realised  that  it  would  somewhat  detract 
from  that  simplicity  of  line  which  is  one  charm  of  this  statue. 
The  long  hair,  bound  with  a  fillet  and  gathered  into  a  knot  at 
the  back  of  the  neck,  was  sufficient  to  identify  the  boy  as  a 
camillus:  if  the  attributes  mentioned  were  in  his  hands,  the 
identification  was  still  more  obvious.  While  this  is  truly  a 
Roman  statue  as  the  camillus-type  is  truly  Roman  in  its  final 
art-form,  the  ideal  character  of  the  face,  and  indeed  of  the 
whole  treatment,  is  in  the  Greek  spirit.  This  is  not  genre 
sculpture,  either,  except  as  a  Phidian  statue  might  be  so 
called.  That  is,  the  genre  element  is  again  incidental;  the 
essential  and  striking  atmosphere  which  surrounds  the  figure 
is  religious. 

The  Museum  at  JSTaples  contains  among  its  bronzes  "non 
picciol  numero  di  figure  di  questi  eletti  giovanni,"^  and  one  at 
least  appears  to  be  almost  a  duplicate  of  the  Conservatori 
figure.  The  differences  are  due  to  the  individuality  of  the 
sculptors  rather  than  to  different  concepts.  Two  statues 
originally  from  the  Villa  Borghese,  but  now  in  the  Louvre^ 
repeat  the  type.  One  of  them  is  made  of  Oriental  alabaster 
and  a  restorer  has  added  head,  hands,  and  feet  of  bronze.  The 
tunic,  full  enough  to  fall  over  the  lower  arm,  but  so  gathered 
in  by  a  carefully  knotted  girdle  as  to  appear  somewhat  scanty 
below  the  waist  —  is  practically  the  same  in  this  as  in  the 
bronzes  mentioned  above.    The  other  figure  in  the  Louvre  is  of 

^Beal  Mus.  Borhon.  VI,  Tav.  VIII, 

*Clarac,  Musee,  III,  PI.  278,  Nos.  1913,  1914.     Not  earlier  than  the 
third  century  A.D.  because  of  the  materials. 


46 

colored  marbles.  The  head,  hands,  and  feet  are  again  restora- 
tions but  the  original  statue  possessed  one  interesting  feature. 
Above  the  shoulders  there  is  draped  a  long  scarf  with  fringed 
edges,  which  is  made  of  red  marble.  Probably  it  was  in- 
tended to  represent  a  purple  garment  or  attribute:  the  evi- 
dence of  reliefs  would  suggest  that  this  is  a  mappa,^  for  some 
unkno\vn  reason  worn  in  this  unusual  fashion. 

The  statues  of  Rome,  IN'aples,  and  Paris  which  have  just 
been  described  represent  in  every  case  a  youth  well  advanced 
toward  manhood.  The  position  of  the  figure,  the  arrangement 
and  style  of  the  drapery,  and  the  probable  attributes  are  the 
same.  A  pleasing  variant  of  this  type  is  represented  by  a 
bronze  statue  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  New  Tork.^ 
The  camillus  appears  as  a  little  boy,  hardly  in  his  "teens." 
His  pose  just  reverses  that  of  the  Conservatori  bronze  and  is 
freer.  His  weight  rests  securely  on  the  left  foot,  while  the 
right  is  drawn  back  a  little  and  to  one  side  so  that  only  the 
toes  touch  the  ground.  The  head  is  turned  slightly  to  the 
left  and  the  lifted  left  hand  may  have  held  a  patera  or  a  small 
acerra.  The  right  hand  holds  a  staff  of  uncertain  meaning, 
perhaps  a  lituus.  The  lad's  curly  hair  is  short  and  the  face 
almost  suggests  a  portrait.  This,  however,  is  simply  in  keep- 
ing with  the  freer  and  more  realistic  treatment  of  the  whole. 
For  example,  the  tunic,  although  less  broad  than  in  the 
Conservatori  bronze,  is  so  adjusted  as  to  avoid  any  effect 
of  awkwardness  and  scanty  drapery  in  the  skirt  of  the  gar- 
ment. The  arrangement  of  folds  at  the  waist  conceals  all 
but  the  knot  of  the  girdle  and  is  more  regular  but  also  more 
graceful  than  in  the  Conservatori  figure.  Careful  finish  is 
evidenced  by  the  details  on  the  sandals  and  the  insertion  of 
two  strips  of  copper  from  shoulder  to  hem  of  the  tunic.  A 
realistic  touch  is  given  by  the  turned-back  edge  of  the  tunic 

"  For  the  discussion  of  mappa  and  ricinium  see  p.  27.  For  the  only 
other  representation  of  it  in  the  round  compare  the  small  bronze  group 
of  popa  and  camillus  in  Rome,  illustrated  in  L'Arte  II,  p.  11. 

•  Eeinach,  Sep.  Stat.  Ill,  144,  3 ;  Furtw.,  Neue  Denkmiiler  III. 


47 

on  the  right  shoulder.  The  eyes  and  lips  were  of  other 
material:  the  former  have  been  unfortunately  injured  but  the 
eye-ball  was  of  silver.  In  spite  of  the  absence  of  any  familiar 
attribute  belonging  to  this  class  of  attendants,  one  has  no 
hesitation  in  associating  this  charming  bronze  not  only  with 
camiUi  but  with  that  very  type  which  is  so  well  known 
through  the  older  and  more  idealised  camillus  in  the  Con- 
servatori. 

Such  a  group  of  statues  as  this  is  evidence  for  the  popularity 
of  the  type  at  Rome.  The  bronzes  of  the  Conserv^atori  and 
the  Metropolitan  may  be  further  considered  as  to  their  place 
in  the  history  of  Roman  sculpture.  The  earliest  relief  on 
which  this  same  type  could  be  studied  in  detail  was  dated 
13  B.C.^  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  whether  the 
sculptor  of  the  relief  merely  adapted  an  existing  type  for  the 
figures  of  the  camilli  or  whether  the  type  originated  on 
reliefs.^  It  could  not  have  come  into  existence  before  the 
days  of  sculptors  who  developed  essentially  Roman  themes. 
Greek  art  would  rejDresent  such  a  subject  either  in  ideal 
nudity  or  with  drapery  introduced  chiefly  for  artistic  effect.^ 
The  simple  short  tunic  with  its  scant  folds  which  are  not 
always  graceful  was  certainly  a  Roman  feature  whether  a 
Greek  or  Roman  sculj^tor  first  moulded  it.  But  a  truly 
national  art  in  Rome  does  not  begin  until  the  Empire ;  an  art., 
that  is,  which  though  based  on  Greek  importations  and 
Etruscan  traditions,  developed  characteristics  peculiar  to  the 
place  and  time  of  its  creation.  For  the  origin  of  such  a  type 
as  that  of  the  camillus  we  should  be  inclined  to  look  to 
Imperial  sculpture. 

^  The  Ara  Pads  Augusts.    See  p.  25. 

^According  to  Mrs.  Strong  (p.  96)  "the  translation  into  relief  of 
works  in  the  round  appears  to  have  been  a  favorite  device  of  Koman 
art."  It  is  probable  that  the  origin  of  the  type  under  discussion  was 
in  statues  rather  than  reliefs. 

•The  evidence  of  Greek  vases  supports  this:  e.  g.  Reinach,  Sep.  Vas. 
P.  I,  pp.  29,  2;  31,  12;  358;  379,  1;  403,  1;  II,  pp.  80,  1  and  2;  286,  1. 


48 

The  asssignment  of  statues  to  definite  periods  is  tempting 
but  one  must  bear  in  mind  two  things.  First,  almost  the  only- 
Roman  Imperial  sculptures  which  can  be  dated  with  certainty 
are  portraits  and  reliefs :  second,  with  full  realization  of  the 
subjective  element  in  all  art-criticism,  we  must  avoid  too  posi- 
tive assertions  in  the  ease  of  genre  or  ideal  sculpture.  The 
Augustan  Age  appears  to  be  characterised  by  a  certain  aca- 
demic quality^^  in  portraiture  and  in  relief-work.  This  is 
best  realised  by  comparing  the  Ara,  Pacts,  for  example,  with 
such  a  spontaneous  expression  as  the  frieze  from  Bassae  or  the 
Amazon  frieze  from  the  Mausoleum.  Again,  place  the 
Augustus  from  Prima  Porta  beside  the  Hermes  of  Oljanpia 
or  the  Leconfield  Aphrodite  and  the  distinction  is  obvious; 
not  a  distinction  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Greek  works  are 
purely  ideal  sculpture,  while  the  Roman  statue  is  a  portrait. 
That  should  rather  tend  to  superior  life  and  vigor  in  the 
latter.  On  the  contrary,  however,  the  Roman  portrait  and 
the  Roman  reliefs  show  a  certain  carefulness  of  manner,  a 
certain  manifest  restraint  coupled  with  perfect  understanding 
of  the  technical  processes  and  general  artistic  principles  em- 
ployed. Such  art  develops  only  after  a  period  of  self-con- 
sciousness. Through  such  a  period  both  art  and  letters  passed 
during  the  Hellenistic  age,  and  when,  in  Imperial  Rome, 
national  themes  were  more  and  more  emphasized,  they  were 
embodied  chiefly  not  in  fresh,  original  creations,  but  in  con- 
sciously chosen  types  from  the  best  period  of  Greek  sculpture. 
Though  these  were  modified  by  Roman  customs  and  Roman 
dress,  yet  "the  conscious  revival  of  Greek  ideals "^^  is  appa- 

^"The  objections  to  the  use  of  the  term  academic  (see  Strong,  pp.  55, 
56)  are  based  on  an  assumption  that  it  means  perfected  or  over-refined, 
merely.  "The  Greek  character  of  Augustan  art"  is  not  a  "new  appari- 
tion" in  Rome  (ibid.  p.  27),  but  the  conscious  return  to  Phidian  ideals 
and  types  is  a  characteristic  of  the  early  Empire.  It  is  this  that  seems 
to  merit  the  term  academic.  Before  Greek  art  passed  absolutely  into  the 
service  of  Rome,  some  such  stage  was  inevitable.  It  was  the  next  step 
after  archaistic  sculpture. 

"  Strong,  p.  355. 


49 

rent  in  Augustan  art.  It  is  not  in  the  obvious  features  of 
subject  and  pose  and  grouping  tbat  this  is  seen,  however,  for 
the  artists  of  the  Empire  bring  us  nearer  than  ever  before  to 
the  endless  variety  of  "real  life,"  even  in  court  sculpture. 
As  an  illustration  of  this,  one  may  cite  the  children  on  the 
Ara  Pads,  and  especially  one  tiny  boy  with  uncertain  steps, 
who  indicate  a  true  regard  for  genre  themes  and  treatment.^  ^ 
But  in  the  finer  details  of  technique  as  well  as  in  the  prevail- 
ing spirit  of  these  conceptions  as  a  whole,  a  feeling  of  self- 
restraint  is  manifest  which  is  well  expressed  by  the  term  aca- 
demic. If  we  compare  the  portraits  of  Augustus  with  the 
Demosthenes  of  the  Vatican,  it  is  manifest  that  the  earlier 
artist  delighted  in  unrestrained  realism,  while  the  Imperial 
sculptor  is  so  checked  by  his  adherence  to  Hellenic  traditions 
that,  in  the  words  of  Kekule^^  concerning  the  Augustiis  from 
Prima  Porta,  "  sie  nichts  neues  und  nichts  besseres  bietet  als 
langst  vorhanden  war.  Des  eigenartig  und  ausschliesslich 
romischen  ist  nicht  viel  und  nichts  wesentliches  in  ihr.  Sie 
giebt  nichts  was  nicht  seit  Lysipp  die  Bildnisse  der  hellenisti- 
schen  Ftirsten  erstrebt  und  ebenso  gut  und  besser  geleistet 
hatten." 

Such  an  academic  spirit  appears  in  the  bronze  camillus  of 
the  Conservatori.  Its  charm  is  one  of  reserve  and  restraint. 
"Dignified"  and  "finished"  are  natural  terms  to  apply  to 
it  but  one  is  not  impressed  with  the  vigor  of  young  manhood, 
nor  yet  with  the  flowing  grace  of  contour  or  drapery :  the  head 
seems  almost  feminine.-'^  In  spite  of  the  plastic  treatment  of 
the  pupils  which  is  an  addition  of  the  Eoman  artist,^^  the 

"  Not  the  ' '  art  for  art 's  sake ' '  spirit  of  Hellenistic  genre  but  a  sense 
of  the  right  relation  between  genre  themes  and  great  art. 

"  WincTcelm.  Frog.  54,  p.  15. 

"  This  impression  is  intensified  by  the  long  hair  dressed  in  feminine 
fashion.    Cf.  Furtw.,  Masterpieces,  p.  20. 

"According  to  Mrs.  Strong  (p.  361,  cf.  p.  375)  the  pupil  is  not 
plastically  indicated  in  statues  until  about  the  time  of  Hadrian,  although 
in  relief-sculpture  it  is  so  indicated  on  the  Ara  Facis.  But  several  por- 
trait-busts of  the  Flavian  epoch  show  the  plastic  treatment  of  the  eye 


60 

treatment  of  the  hair,  the  general  proportions  of  the  eye  and 
its  setting,  the  modeling  of  the  nose  and  the  curve  of  the  lips 
recall  the  extant  heads  from  the  Parthenon.  The  camiUus 
of  the  Conservatori  appears  to  be  a  conscious  adaptation  of  a 
Phidian  type  clothed  in  Roman  dress  and  probably  made  in 
the  early  days  of  the  Empire.  There  is  no  evidence  to  prove 
whether  this  was  or  was  not  the  first  representation  in  the 
round  of  this  camilhis-tji[)e. 

The  second  statue  to  be  considered  is  the  bronze  in  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  iSTew  York.^®  Furtwangier  dates  it 
"  nicht  spater  als  im  ersten  Jahrhundert  vor  Chr."  because 
of  its  merry,  boyish  character  which  to  him  suggests  the  young 
satyrs  of  an  earlier  art-period.  The  development  of  the  child- 
genre,  following  the  impulse  given  it  by  Boethus,  is  a  charac- 
teristic of  Hellenistic  sculpture.  Yet  there  is  no  type  known 
to  us  among  Hellenistic  children  which  suggests  this  of  the 
camillus.  The  satyresque  expression  which  Furtwangier 
sees  on  the  face  of  the  Metropolitan  bronze,  is  not  a  permanent 
feature  of  the  appeal  which  it  makes,  but  rather  a  chance 
effect  produced  perhaps  by  some  detail  of  form  or  modeling 
in  the  face.  Further  study  of  the  figure  leads  one  to  feel  more 
and  more  keenly  the  genuine  child-spirit  apparent  in  the 
alert  boyishness  of  the  expression.  It  is  the  work  of  one  who 
is  as  far  removed  from  the  academic  spirit  on  the  one  hand  as 
from  coarseness  of  rendering  on  the  other.  The  life,  the 
verve,  the  vigor  of  the  whole  figure  is  most  convincing  and  but 
for  the  unmistakable  resemblance  of  dress  and  pose  to  other 
camilli,  we  should  see  in  it  a  fine  example  of  pure  genre. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  extant  art  of  republican  Rome  with 

(see  B.  S.  E.  P.  Ill,  p.  244,  and  n.  1),  and  even  in  the  Augustus  from 
Prima  Porta  the  pupils  are  indicated  by  a  slightly  chiseled  line  as  well 
as  by  pigment.  This  question  is  yet  open  and  meantime  we,  like  Mrs. 
Strong  (p.  97),  recognise  possible  Augustan  characteristics  in  the  Con- 
servatori cavnlhts.    Cf.  Overbeck,  Gesch.  II,  p.  539,  n.  5. 

"  See  n.  6.  The  treatment  of  the  eye  suggests  not  a  republican  but 
an  Imperial  date  when  taken  in  connection  with  the  points  mentioned 
below. 


51 

which  to  associate  the  statue,  and  we  have  already  seen  good 
reasons  for  assigning  the  development  of  such  types  to  the 
Imperial  period.  Augustan  art  offers  no  parallels  at  present 
and  if  the  Conservator!  bronze  be  Augustan  that  is  further 
evidence  against  such  a  date  for  the  Metropolitan  statue.  In 
the  subsequent  art  of  the  Flavian  period,  however,  such  a 
conception  might  find  place.  It  may  be  a  fact  of  some  signifi- 
cance that  the  only  instance  thus  far  noted  on  reliefs  of  a  very 
little  boy  serving  as  a  camillus  is  on  the  altar  from  Vespasian's 
temple  at  Pompeii.  The  artists  of  the  Flavian  period  seem 
to  have  marked  "the  high-water  level  of  Roman  artistic 
achievement,"^'^  and  yet  in  spirit  they  were  nearer  to  the 
simplicity  of  the  republic  than  to  the  style  of  their  immediate 
predecessors.  "  Those  other  elements,  fidelity  and  unpretend- 
ing truth,  which  were  the  single  spring  of  the  republican  age, 
flowed  on  steadily  beneath  and  through  the  ripples  of 
Augustan  Hellenism:  under  the  Flavians  they  rise  in  tre- 
mendous volume."^ ^  It  is  just  this  "unpretending  truth" 
that  marks  the  Metropolitan  camillus.  The  easy  pose,  the 
natural  folds  of  the  garment,  above  all  the  loose  curly  hair, 
the  rounded  forehead,  the  prominent  cheek-bones  and  parted 
lips  seem  almost  to  represent  a  real  boy  as  the  sculptor  saw 
him ;  it  is  as  close  to  portraiture  as  one  may  come  in  a  genre 
figure.  And  the  effects  of  light  and  shade  produced  by  the 
facile  modeling  of  cheeks  and  lips  as  well  as  by  the  gradual 
transitions  from  plane  to  plane  throughout,  suggest  the  period 
which  produced  such  a  portrait  as  the  Vespasian  of  the 
Terme.19 

Two  marble  statues  of  uncertain  date  were  perhaps  allied 
to  this  general  type.  Both  are  in  Rome.  One-'^  represents  a 
youth  in  a  long-sleeved  tunic  which  seems  to  leave  the  left 
shoulder  exposed.    The  tunic  is  drawn  up  so  far  through  the 

"  Strong,  p.  104. 

"  J.  W.  Crowfoot  in  J.  H.  S.  1900,  p.  42. 

"  Strong,  PI.  XXXIII. 

=»  Clarac,  Musee,  VI,  PI.  770  E,  1917  A. 


52 

elaborately-tied  girdle  that  its  lower  edge  is  well  above  the 
knees.  Besides  the  usual  sandals,  bands  of  cloth  are  wound 
around  the  legs.  In  his  hands,  this  youth  holds  a  deep  dish 
filled  probably  with  sacrificial  offerings.  A  female  head  is 
wrongly  placed  on  this  statue.  Of  the  second  figure^^  there 
remains  only  the  torso  with  part  of  a  tree-trunk  attached  as 
support  for  the  right  leg  and  the  right  hand  grasping  the  fore- 
feet of  an  animal  (a  dog?)  which  stood  erect  on  its  hind  legs. 
The  boy's  girdle  is  tied  in  a  knot  from  which  two  long  ends 
hang  down  in  front :  the  tunic  is  not  pulled  up  through  the 
ffirdle  at  all.  Both  arms  are  extended  downwards  and  the  left 
one  held  some  object  in  front  of  the  body.  A  hole  in  the  left 
shoulder  indicates  that  something  rested  there  also.^^ 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  been  concerned  with  one  definite 
type  of  camillus  which  appears  on  reliefs  and  in  statues.  It 
was  a  type  for  whose  immediate  origin  we  did  not  need  to 
look  beyond  Eoman  sculptors :  on  the  contrary,  the  evidence 
of  extant  bronzes  and  marbles  pointed  to  the  Imperial  period 
as  the  time  in  which  it  was  perhaps  first  definitely  conceived. 
There  is,  however,  a  group  of  statues  which  may  also  repre- 
sent camilli  but  in  a  diiferent  manner  and  with  a  different 
origin.  The  general  type  consists  of  a  boy  in  a  short,  un- 
girded  tunic,  holding  a  little  pig  in  both  hands.^^  All  the 
statues  now  known  are  of  marble  and  have  a  supporting  tree- 
trunk  against  the  leg  which  bears  the  weight.  Dr.  Ame- 
lung^^  has  associated  certain  of  these  with  the  statues  of 

="  B.  and  S.,  Bild.  des  Lat.  Mus.,  Taf.  V,  2,  p.  152. 

^A  bronze  "buste  d'un  victimaire  (?)"  in  the  Biblioth&que  Na- 
tionals, Paris  (Cat.  des  Bronses  Antiques,  No.  887),  may  represent  a 
camillus  of  the  general  type  just  discussed. 

^The  pig  is  restored  in  the  Antiquarium  statue.  C£.  J.  H.  S.  XXIX, 
II,  p.  362,  Excavation  of  a  sanctuary  near  Gortyn  (Crete)  ;  the  objects 
■were  mainly  from  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  B.C.  There  ■were  many 
terra-cottas  and  the  commonest  type  represented  ■was  "standing  women 
and  boys  in  short  chitons,  holding  a  small  pig  in  front  of  the  breast." 

"  In  the  Dissertazioni  della  Pontificia  Accademia  Eomana  di  Arche- 
ologia,  1907,  p.  115  ff..  Taw. 


PRIEST'S    ASSISTANT. 
Rome.     Antiquarium. 


53 

those  boys  and  girls  who  assisted  in  the  Eleusinian  rites, 
and  who  were  honored  with  statues  erected  by  their  parents. 
If  we  may  assume  this  connection,  we  have  at  least  two 
Roman  copies  of  such  an  attendant  at  Eleusis.  In  the  Anti- 
quarium  at  Eome^^  there  is  a  Parian  marble  statue  about 
four  feet  high.  Much  of  the  figure  is  missing:  the  remain- 
ing parts  consist  of  two  fragments,  the  head  with  the  torso 
and  the  right  leg  with  its  support.  A  youth  of  robust  form  is 
represented  wearing  a  short  tunic  of  thick  material  which 
falls  in  broad  folds.  It  is  fastened  on  the  shoulders  and 
covers  the  right  upper  arm,  but  falls  away  from  the  left 
arm.  The  right  arm  is  lowered  and  extended  away  from  the 
body ;  the  left  arm  must  have  been  bent  toward  the  body,  and 
apparently  both  hands  were  occupied  with  a  heavy  object 
whose  position  is  determined  by  two  puntelli  on  the  front  of 
the  torso.  The  head  is  slightly  lowered  and  the  face  has  a 
sweet  but  serious  expression.  The  long  hair  is  bound  by  a 
narrow  fillet  and  falls  over  the  neck  in  a  mass  of  curls.  One 
lock  turns  directly  back  under  the  fillet  just  at  the  center  of 
the  brow.  On  the  tree-trunk  which  strengthens  the  support- 
ing leg,  a  myrtle-wreath  hangs  beside  a  torch  which  ends  in 
branches  of  myrtle  instead  of  flame. 

The  other  statue  which  is  to  be  closely  associated  with  this 
stands  in  the  Palazzo  dei  Conservatori.^^  The  general  pose 
seems  to  agree  with  the  one  just  described.  The  weight  is 
again  on  the  right  leg  and  the  left  foot  is  drawn  slightly 
back  though  it  rests  flat  on  the  ground.  On  the  right  foot 
only  there  is  a  sandal.  The  head  is  slightly  raised  instead  of 
lowered  and  the  fillet  has  become  a  thick  projecting  roll 
marked  with  diagonal  lines  in  rope-like  fashion.  The  long 
hair  and  the  peculiar  knot  in  front  are  similar.  The  dress 
is  again  a  plain,  ungirded  tunic  but  is  sewed  across  the 
shoulders  and  down  the  sides.     With  both  hands  the  lad 

^Prof.  Mariani  in  Bull.  Com.  1901,  Taw.  X  a,  XI  a,  b;  Mrs.  Esdaile 
in  J.  H.  S.  1909,  I,  p.  1,  PI.  la. 

=«See  n.  24,  op.  cit.,  Tav.  Ill,  2;  J.  H.  S.  1909,  I,  PI.  I,  b,  c. 


54 

grasps  the  legs  of  a  little  pig,  around  whose  body  is  a  broad 
band  and  whose  neck  is  adorned  with  a  fillet. 

Assuming  for  the  present  that  both  these  statues  were 
made  in  Rome,  why  and  when  would  a  Greek  theme  like  this 
appeal  to  a  Roman  sculptor  ?  Our  study  of  the  camillus  has 
already  made  clear  the  fact  that  among  both  Greeks  and 
Romans,  children  were  in  attendance  upon  the  altars.  The 
infrequent  scenes  of  sacrifice  of  Greek  origin  for  the  most 
part  represent  the  worship  of  a  family  rather  than  a  state- 
sacrifice.  Yet  the  priest's  attendant  does  appear  even  in 
Greek  reliefs  and  is  a  frequently  recurring  theme  in  Im- 
perial Roman  sculpture.  The  Roman  conception  of  the  boy's 
function  was  like  the  Greek  and  we  have  suggested  the  prob- 
able influence  of  Greek  relief-types  upon  the  group  of  the 
priest  and  cdmillus  at  Rome.  This  inter-relation  might  of 
itself  suggest  that  some  Greek  statue  or  group  of  statues 
furnished  a  motif  antedating  the  purely  Roman  camillus- 
type,  and  these  marbles  in  the  Antiquarium  and  Conserva- 
tori  confirm  the  idea.  The  "boy  with  the  offering"  found 
at  Eleusis  was  coi)ied  by  sculptors  working  in  Rome  and  may 
have  afforded  the  Romans  an  intermediate  step  between  the 
nude  or  semi-nude  altar-attendants  of  Greek  vases^'^  or  reliefs 
and  the  conception  of  the  Roman  lad  in  the  tunica  praetexta. 
Eleusis  lay  open  to  Rome  after  146  B.C.  and  we  do  not  know 
of  any  definite  period  in  which  she  exerted  especial  influence 
upon  art.  It  is  at  least  suggestive  that  a  practical  interest  in 
the  Greek  precinct  was  aroused  in  the  mind  of  one  Roman 
during  the  last  century  of  the  republic.  We  read  in  Cicero's 
letters  to  Atticns,^^  "  I  hear  that  Appius  is  building  a  pro- 
pylon  at  Eleusis,"  and  again,^^  "do  you  encourage  me  in  my 
design  of  erecting  a  porch  when  Appius  has  given  up  his 
plan  for  an  entrance-gate  at  Eleusis  ? "    That  Appius  did  not 

""  See  n.  9. 
»VI,  1,  26. 
=»  VI,  6,  2. 


55 

finally  abandon  his  plan  is  proved  by  an  inscription^^  found 
in  1860  at  Elensis  which  reads  "  Ap.  Claudius  Ap.  f.  Pulcher 
propylum  Cereri  et  Proserpinae  cos.  vovit  imperator.  Coepit 
Pulcher:  Claudius  et  Rex  Marcius  fecerunt/'  So  far  as  we 
now  know,  this  is  the  only  building  at  Eleusis  which  dates 
from  the  Roman  republic.  If  the  style  of  any  Roman  copy  of 
this  Eleusinian  type  agrees  with  the  style  of  the  late  first  cen- 
tury B.C.,  it  would  be  natural  to  see  in  such  a  type  a  result 
of  this  newly-awakened  interest  in  the  Greek  precinct.  The 
boy  holding  a  pig^^  would  at  once  suggest  to  the  Roman  mind 
one  of  the  most  common  offerings  in  his  own  state.  The 
usual  offering  to  the  gods  upon  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  with 
a  foreign  state  was  a  pig.  This  was  killed  after  the  pater 
patratus,  chief  representative  of  the  fetiales,^"^  had  read  the 
treaty  aloud,  and  the  offering  might  naturally  be  in  the  care 
of  a  camillus  until  the  moment  of  sacrifice.  This  does  not 
conflict  with  the  function  of  the  camillus  in  the  Suovetau- 
rilia.  The  sacrifice  of  the  fetial  priest  was  a  tiny  sucking- 
pig:  in  the  triple  sacrifice  the  pig  is  fullgrown  and  the  camil- 
lus, therefore,  leaves  to  the  popae  the  care  of  all  the  victims 
while  he  is  occupied  with  the  first  offering  of  wine  or  incense. 
Thus  the  adoption  of  this  type  may  be  accounted  for  and 
we  may  even  conjecture  that  its  introduction  into  Rome  fol- 
lowed more  or  less  closely  upon  the  building  of  Appius'  pro- 
pylon  which  was  begun  about  54  B.C.  but  finished  consider- 
ably later.  The  earlier  of  the  two  statues  described  is 
obviously  that  in  the  Antiquarium.  It  has  a  quality  which 
we  are  wont  to  call  archaistic  :^^  that  is,  it  suggests  conscious 

»  C.  I.  L.  I,  p.  181. 

^  This  assumes  that  this  offering  appeared  in  the  Greek  original. 
Such  an  assumption  is  justified  by  the  relation  between  the  statues  from 
the  Antiquarium  and  Conservatori. 

^  The  Petworth  caviillus  is  called  "fetialis  with  young  pig  for  sacri- 
fice" (Michaelis,  Anc.  Marbles  in  Gt.  Brit.,  p.  597).     See  p.  61  ff. 

**See  n.  25,  Prof.  Mariani  op.  cit.  p.  165,  "Pasitelische";  Mrs.  Esdaile 
op.  cit.  p.  4,  does  not  agree;  I  do  not  understand  her  "finally  dis- 
proved. ' ' 


66 

retention  of  a  form  and  spirit  which  preceded  the  Phidian 
period,  combined  with  a  knowledge  of  anatomy  and  a  tech- 
nical skill  which  cannot  be  suppressed  and  which  give  a  sense 
of  reality  that  the  archaic  sculptor  never  could  compass.  This 
archaistie  quality  marked  the  productions  of  the  well-known 
school  of  Pasiteles  founded  in  the  days  of  the  republic  but 
continuing  into  the  Imperial  period.  (It  may  have  pointed 
the  way  to  that  conscious  return  to  the  Phidian  style  which 
we  have  already  remarked  as  manifest  in  early  Imperial 
sculpture.)  Although  there  is  no  proof  for  the  association 
of  the  Antiquarium  statue  with  this  school,  it  is  clearly  an 
example  of  the  same  tendency,  a  fact  which  confirms  our 
placing  it  in  the  latter  part  of  the  first  century  B.C.  The 
sculptor  was  doubtless  familiar  with  the  unbroken  traditions 
of  Greek  art  from  the  archaic  period  to  the  Hellenistic  age, 
but  to  him  the  appeal  of  pre-Phidian  art  was  strongest.  The 
archaistie  quality  of  this  figure  may  best  be  made  apparent 
by  comparison  with  certain  well-known  statues  which  are  gen- 
erally recognized  as  of  this  kind.  Three  statues  of  the 
"  Apollo  "-type  have  so  close  a  resemblance  that  they  are  evi- 
dently based  on  a  common  original.  These  are  the  marble 
"  Apollo  "  from  the  Museo  K'azionale  in  Rome,^^  the  "  Apollo 
Mazarin"  of  the  Louvre,^^  and  the  bronze  "Apollo"  from 
Pompeii,^®  now  in  iN'aples.  Their  likeness  to  one  another 
is  not  more  striking  than  their  general  resemblance  to  the 
Antiquarium  statue.^^  In  every  case  the  head  is  bent  slightly 
downward  and  to  the  left,  although  this  is  away  from  the 
foot  which  bears  the  weight  in  the  case  of  the  camillus.  The 
hair  radiates  from  the  crown  of  the  head  to  the  fillet  in  paral- 
lel wavy  lines,  and  the  round  fillet  lying  lightly  on  the  hair  ia 

**lidm.  Mitt.  1891,  Taf.  X. 

"Giraudon,  phots.  1296,  2591,  2592. 

"•Collignon,  Hist,  de  la  Sc.  Gr.  II,  p.  666.  Cf.  also  the  "Mantuan 
Apollo." 

"After  reaching  this  conclusion,  I  find  support  in  Prof.  Mariani's 
article,  p.  166  (cited  in  n.  25). 


57 

visible  all  around  the  head  of  the  "  Apollo  "  of  the  Terme  as 
on  the  camillus.  The  latter  alone  has  the  lock  which  turns 
back  above  the  center  of  the  forehead.  But  the  four  statues 
are  not  unlike  in  the  arrangement  of  the  tresses  which  cover 
the  neck  and  end  in  spiral  curls,  nor  yet  in  the  narrow  space 
left  between  the  eyebrows  and  the  hair.  The  head  of  the  boy 
is  less  bent  than  in  the  "  Apollo  "-statues  and  so  his  eyes  are 
wider  open,  but  the  general  proportions  of  their  setting  are 
similar.  In  the  eye  of  the  Antiquarium  statue,  "the  upper 
lid  projects  quite  sharply,  the  lower  only  slightly  from  the 
eyeball :"  further,  the  overlapping  of  the  lower  by  the  upper 
lid  at  the  outer  corner  is  indicated  in  the  right  but  not  in  the 
left  eye.  The  same  treatment  of  the  eyelids  occurs  in  at 
least  one  of  the  "  Apollo  "-statues  (the  Mazarin).  The  shape 
of  the  face,  the  proportions  of  the  head,  and  the  pose  of  the 
figure  are  so  much  alike  as  to  indicate  that  all  four  of  the 
statues  refer  to  the  same  general  canon. 

The  differences  between  the  camillus  of  the  Antiquarium 
and  this  "  Apollo "  type  are  due  to  the  individuality  of  the 
sculptor  in  each  case  and  to  the  greater  or  less  technical 
knowledge  of  the  period  in  which  each  man  worked  rather 
than  to  any  difference  of  school  or  canon.  The  camillus  shows 
more  freedom  of  treatment  in  the  hair.  The  mouth  shows 
certain  peculiarities,  also.  The  lips  are  full  and  curved  but 
the  straight  line  of  the  mouth  is  somewhat  prolonged  and 
droops  slightly  at  the  corners.  This  effect  is  due  to  the  treat- 
ment of  the  lips,  for  the  lower  lip  recedes  at  either  end  until 
at  the  corners  the  upper  lip  projects  perceptibly  beyond  it. 
The  weight  of  the  figure  is  shifted  to  the  right  foot  although 
the  head  retains  the  turn  to  the  left  of  the  "  Apollo  "-figures. 
All  these  statues,  however,  express  a  spirit  of  firm,  well-knit 
vigor  that  emphasises  the  physical  rather  than  the  spiritual 
nature  and  leads  the  thought  back  to  the  Peloponnesian  art 
of  prePhidian  days.  There  is  no  direct  evidence  for  any 
statue  of  an  Eleusinian  attendant  earlier  than  the  third  cen- 


68 

tury  B.C.^^  But  if  the  Eoman  copy  was  not  based  on  a  statue 
made  early  in  the  fifth  century,  it  certainly  clothed  the  sub- 
ject presented  in  the  style  of  that  period.  The  hair  of  the 
camillus  is  especially  characteristic  of  the  time  before  Phi- 
dias and  Polyclitus.  It  is  "  mapped  out "  in  schematic  form, 
just  as  in  the  case  of  the  "  Apollos  "  referred  to.  Unlike  the 
natural  flowing  lines  of  the  de  Laborde  head,  the  hair  radi- 
ates from  the  crown  to  the  fillet  in  archaic  fashion ;  the  tight 
little  curls  which  end  the  long  locks  or  hang  down  before  the 
ears  of  the  camillus  are  rendered  in  skilful  imitation  of  this 
same  manner  and  the  curls  before  the  ears  do  not  fall  forward 
with  the  forward  bend  of  the  head.^^  The  eyes  of  the  camil- 
lus have  expressive  curves  but  their  setting  shows  little  skill. 
The  individuality  in  the  mouth,  too,  with  its  full  pouting 
lips  and  compressed  corners  is  in  striking  contrast  to  the  gen- 
erally ideal  character  of  the  face.  One  feels  that  the  sculptor 
knew  more  than  he  chose  to  use  of  technical  methods  and 
preferred  to  limit  himself.  His  skill  in  modeling,**'  however, 
betrays  him,  giving  life  to  the  boy's  figure  and  charm  to  the 
face  with  its  "espressione  dolce." 

Dr.  Amelung*^  refers  the  Antiquarium  statue  to  a  bronze 
original  somewhat  later  than  the  Hestia  Giustiniani.  Bronze 
technique  is  suggested  by  the  treatment  of  the  head,  the  broad 
planes  of  the  tunic,  the  clearly  defined  outlines  of  the  features 
and  the  presence  of  the  tree-trunk  beside  the  supporting  leg. 
If  this  statue  is  to  be  referred  to  a  fifth  century  Peloponnesian 
original,  the  material  of  that  original  would  almost  certainly 
have  been  bronze.  Since,  however,  this  decision  rests  on  a 
subjective  feeling  for  style,  one  may  seek  to  justify  further 
the  assumption  of  Peloponnesian  origin  by  considering  the 

**  Cf .  Mrs.  Esdaile,  op.  cit.,  p.  3. 

**  The  same  disregard  of  the  laws  of  gravity  is  seen  in  the  bronze 
"Spinario"  of  the  Conservatori. 

•"Prof.  Young  notes  the  following,  "the  modeling  of  the  face  is  broad 
yet  very  delicate." 

"  Amelung-IIoltzinger,  Museums,  I,  p.  232. 


69 

probability  of  a  bronze  original.  In  the  first  place,  the  pres- 
ence of  the  tree-trunk  was  unnecessary  in  such  an  original 
and  the  attributes  upon  it  would  be  equally  superfluous.  The 
erection  of  the  statue  at  Eleusis,  the  accompanying  inscrip- 
tion, the  offering  held  by  the  lad,'*^  these  would  sufficiently 
identify  the  statue.  But  a  Koman  copyist  might  wish  to 
define  the  origin  of  his  motif  by  Eleusinian  emblems  and 
these  could  easily  be  added  to  the  tree-trunk  which  was  essen- 
tial in  the  marble  copy.  The  camillus  would  not  have 
needed  any  such  support  in  bronze,  for  both  feet  rest  firmly 
on  the  ground  and  the  weight  in  his  hands  is  close  to  his 
body.  The  locks  of  hair  in  this  statue  are  carefully  indicated 
by  fine  parallel  lines,  rumiing  from  the  crown  of  the  head  to 
the  fillet ;  then  they  fall  in  clearly  defined  tresses  somewhat 
sharply  separated.  This  treatment  can  be  paralleled,  how- 
ever, in  fifth  century  marbles.  The  simple  tunic  is  difficult 
to  associate  with  the  Greek  spirit  of  any  age,  but  its  broad 
planes  suggest  bronze  rather  than  marble.  If  the  Roman 
copyist  has  not  modified  the  original,  we  are  led  to  feel  that 
this  may  have  been  a  ritualistic  dress  for  Greek  boys.  Very 
few  youthful  draped  figures  of  Greek  origin  are  preserved  to 
us,  and  perhaps  this  simplicity  of  costume  is  merely  a  mark 
of  youth  and  not  of  religious  service.^^ 

^  Probably  a  little  pig,  see  n.  31. 

*»Cf.  Conze,  Att.  Grab-Eel,  I,  XXVIII  and  XXXIII  A.  In  vase- 
paintings,  boys  are  either  nude  or  wrapped  in  a  mantle  (Eeinach,  Douris, 
p.  196)  or  in  a  girded  tunic  (Eeinach,  Sep.  Vas.  P.,  1,  p.  83;  cf.  II, 
p.  305) ;  so  in  reliefs  (cf.  Parthenon  East  frieze,  boy-attendant,  Brunn- 
Br.  109;  Eleusinian  relief,  Brunn-Br.  7,  et  al.).  The  single  exception 
which  I  have  found  is  the  garment  of  Theseus  on  the  famous  Euphronius 
cylix  (Furtw.-Keich.,  I,  Taf.  5).  With  this  Dr.  Amelung  agrees  (vid. 
supra  n.  24).  In  the  Roman  Forum  (Not.  d.  Scavi,  1901,  p.  114,  fig.  75) 
the  boy  holding  a  cock  who  stands  beside  Asclepius  wears  a  short 
ungirded  tunic.  The  group  is  of  Greek  marble,  perhaps  appropriated 
to  Eoman  use  from  some  Greek  sanctuary.  The  association  of  Ascle- 
pius with  the  Eleusinian  cult  (noted  by  Dr.  Amelung,  op.  cit.)  may 
find  further  confirmation  here  and  this  dress  may  be  adopted  from  that 
illustrated  in  the  statues  of  the  Antiquarium  and  Conservatori. 


60 

Thus  far  the  Antiquarium  statue  has  been  referred  to  as 
a  camillus.  It  is  very  possible,  however,  that  the  first  copy 
made  at  Rome  was  not  so  regarded.  The  Greek  original  was 
in  itself  attractive  enough  to  be  copied  and  child-life  appealed 
to  the  spirit  of  Roman  art.  But,  as  has  been  suggested,  the 
possibilities  of  the  subject  as  associated  with  Roman  ritual 
must  have  appealed  to  sculptors,  for  we  have  evidence  of 
more  than  one  later  copy.  In  addition  to  the  marble  statue 
in  the  Conservatori  already  described,  two  heads  in  Rome  are 
related  to  this  type :  both,  however,  are  more  clearly  akin  to 
the  Conservatori  figure  than  to  that  in  the  Antiquarium^* 
for  the  latter  is  distinctly  superior  in  modeling  to  all  three 
and  shows  marked  individual  peculiarities.  In  the  Museo 
Kircheriano,  there  is  a  head  which  was  originally  from  a 
herm.  The  hair,  bound  with  a  narrow  fillet,  is  in  general 
like  that  of  the  Conservatori  statue,  but  seems  to  lack  the 
elaborate  knot  over  the  middle  of  the  forehead.  The  head  is 
much  worn  but  appears  to  be  an  inferior  Roman  copy.  Better 
than  this  in  style  is  a  second  marble  in  the  Antiquarium. 
Here  the  head  and  shoulders,  broken  from  a  statue,  bear  a 
very  close  resemblance  to  the  Conservatori  figure.  The  hair 
shows  the  same  arrangement  and  the  fillet  is  of  the  same  type. 
The  corners  of  the  mouth  are  unlike  each  other,  the  right  end- 
ing in  a  depression  deeper  than  the  opening  between  the  lips, 
while  in  the  left  a  natural  transition  occurs  from  lips  to 
cheek.  The  boy  wears  a  chiton  somewhat  fuller  than  that  on 
the  statue  and  it  falls  over  either  arm  as  a  half-sleeve.  Al- 
though these  heads  and  the  Conservatori  marble  are  inferior 
to  the  Antiquarium  statue,  the  likeness  is  sufficient  to  sug- 
gest a  common  original.  The  Antiquarium  statue  is  obvi- 
ously earliest  in  date  and  the  changes  apparent  in  the  Con- 
servator! figure  are  in  keeping  with  an  essentially  Roman 
spirit.  The  Elcusinian  attributes  have  disappeared  from  the 
supporting  tree-trunk,  although  the  lad  has  a  sandal  on  his 

♦*No.  3952,    Cf.  Amelung-Holtzinger,  Museums,  I,  p.  289. 


61 

right  foot  only,  a  peculiarity  which  seems  to  be  connected 
with  the  cult  of  the  Chthonian  goddesses.^*^  Whether  thia 
was  true  of  the  Antiquarium  statue  or  not  we  cannot  tell :  if 
it  was,  the  sandal  was  then  on  the  left  instead  of  the  right 
foot.  The  unsewed  chiton  has  become  a  sewed  tunic  of 
Eoman  fashion,  though  still  scant  in  width  and  ungirded. 
The  fillet  projects  from  the  head  so  as  to  overshadow  the 
hair.  Sashes  and  fillets  like  those  on  the  pig  are  not  found 
in  Greek  representations  of  such  an  offering^®  but  occur  re- 
peatedly on  Roman  reliefs  containing  animals  destined  for 
sacrifice.^''^  The  statue  as  a  whole  has  lost  the  vigor  and  indi- 
viduality of  style  which  mark  the  figure  in  the  Antiquarium 
and  it  has  also  lost  the  archaistic  quality.  In  the  eyes,  the 
iris  was  marked  by  an  incised  outline  and  the  pupil  was 
hollowed  out.  This  fact  confirms  the  impression  that  this  is 
the  work  of  a  sculptor  in  the  Imperial  period.  One  would  be 
inclined  to  place  it  after  the  Flavio-Trajanic  period  and  it 
may  well  be  "  Antonine."^^  There  is,  as  so  often,  a  lack  of 
positive  evidence  for  a  definite  date. 

A  third  statue  of  a  boy  holding  a  pig  is  in  the  collection  at 
Petworth  House.^^  It  is  of  Parian  marble  and  the  restora- 
tions are  unimportant.^"  The  lad's  weight  rests  on  his  left 
leg  and  the  right  knee  is  bent  more  than  in  the  Conservatori 
fig-ure.  The  boy  wears  no  sandals  nor  does  the  peculiar  knot 
of  hair  appear  above  his  forehead,  so  that  this  is  not  a  replica 
of  the  type  just  discussed  although  the  same  subject  is  pre- 
sented. The  hair  of  the  Petworth  camillus  is  freely  rendered ; 
in  front  it  is  parted  and  drawn  loosely  back  under  a  wreath 
of  laurel  in  full,  soft  waves  that  hide  the  ears;  long  locks 

*'  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  M.,  II,  393 ;  Mrs.  Esdaile,  op.  cit.,  p.  2. 

*«Eeiiiach,  Sep.  Vas.  P.,  I,  p.  132;  Bull.  Com.  1879,  Taw.  II-III; 
IV-V,  9. 

"Giraudon,  photos.  1848,  1927;  Platner,  Ancient  Borne,  p.  251,  Fig. 
59  etc. 

**Mrs.  Esdaile,  op.  cit.,  p.  2. 

*»Spec.  of  Ant.  Sculp.  I,  LXVIII. 

"*  They  are  the  tip  of  the  nose,  the  left  hand  and  lower  arm  of  the  boy; 
the  hind  legs  and  ears  of  the  pig. 


62 

fall  over  the  neck  and  shoulders.  The  pupils  of  the  eyes 
appear  to  be  plastically  rendered  as  in  Roman  Imperial  sculp- 
ture. The  tunic  is  short  and  ungirded  but  very  broad  so  that 
it  covers  the  arms  in  sleeve-like  fashion.  On  the  tree-trunk 
hangs  a  case  containing  the  broad  knife  peculiar  to  Roman 
sacrifices'^^  which  confirms  the  Roman  origin  of  this  par- 
ticular statue.  The  figure  shows  less  unity  than  the  Con- 
servatori  marble.  In  the  latter,  the  arms  bent  at  the  elbows 
lead  the  eye  toward  instead  of  away  from  the  figure;  the 
offering  forms  a  compact  and  not  unattractive  motif,  even 
the  head  of  the  little  pig  being  turned  slightly  up  and  to  one 
side,  so  that  there  is  nothing  which  leads  straight  away  from 
the  central  lines  of  the  statue.  In  the  Petworth  camillus,  the 
offering  seems  more  detached  and  its  head  and  legs  out- 
stretched at  right  angles  to  the  boy's  figure  lead  the  eye  away 
to  either  side.  This  statue  is  the  product  of  skill  without 
perfect  taste.  The  laurel-wreath  and  the  broad  triang-ular 
knife  confirm  the  supposition  that  it  is  a  Roman  copy  of 
some  earlier  and  perhaps  more  graceful  type.  Those  who 
have  seen  the  statue  offer  no  reliable  suggestions  as  to  its 
date.  Michaelis^^  merely  says,  "  the  sculpture  is  in  a  broad, 
good  style  though  somewhat  poor.  The  pig  is  the  most  suc- 
cessful feature"  (!)  In  the  "Preliminary  Dissertation"  of 
Specimens  of  Antient  Sculpture,^^  we  read,  "to  these  ages 
(250-50  B.C.)  of  the  decline  and  relaxation  of  art  from 
vigor  and  sublimity  to  luxuriance  and  softness  we  attribute 
the  articles  engraved  in  plates  LXI  to  LXVIII  inclusive." 
The  last  plate  is  the  Petworth  camillus.  Of  the  preceding 
plates,  several  would  certainly  be  assigned  to  the  Roman  Im- 
perial period,  while  the  nature  of  the  reproductions  makes 
it  difficult  to  judge  as  to  the  style  and  technique  of  the  rest. 
The  question  of  the  date  might  be  more  readily  determined 
if  the  method  of  rendering  the  eye  were  known. 

"  See  D.  et  S.,  Culter. 

"'Anc.  Mar.  in  Gt.  Brit.,  p.  613  ff. 

"P.  liii,  93. 


COISTCLUSIOK 

The  foregoing  discussion  may  serve  to  prove  that  there  is 
a  definite  "  cami/IZws  "-type  in  sculpture.  This  type  is  well 
illustrated  in  the  Conservatori  bronze  for  in  its  essential  form 
it  represents  a  boy,  usually  with  long,  carefully  arranged 
hair,  who  wears  a  short  tunic  with  a  girdle.  This  tunic  is  a 
garment  with  seams  at  the  sides  and  on  the  shoulders :  it  is, 
therefore,  essentially  unlike  the  Greek  chiton.  In  Greek 
reliefs  which  represent  scenes  of  sacrifice,  there  is  no  instance 
of  a  youthful  altar-attendant  in  a  costume  like  that  of  the 
Roman  camillus.  The  Greek  lad  wears  a  mantle  knotted 
about  his  waist  or  is  altogether  nude.  ]N'ot  only  does  the  dress 
of  the  Greek  altar-attendant  fail  to  resemble  that  of  our  type ; 
neither  Greek  vase-paintings  nor  Greek  sculpture  shows  a 
youthful  figure  similarly  clad.  The  "  co-miZ^ws  "-type,  then, 
would  seem  to  be  a  characteristic  of  Roman  art  and  the 
extant  examples  do  not  afford  any  proof  of  its  existence  before 
the  Imperial  period. 

Another  point  of  difference  between  Greek  and  Roman 
sacrificial  reliefs  appears.  The  Greeks  ordinarily  represented 
a  divinity  directly  approached  by  worshippers  without  any 
mediator  except  an  infrequent  attendant  at  the  altar.  In 
Roman  scenes  of  sacrifice,  the  deity  does  not  usually  appear ; 
instead,  a  priest  officiates  at  the  altar  attended  by  a  group  of 
ministers.  Those  of  this  group  most  frequently  represented 
and  most  closely  associated  with  the  priest  and  the  act  of 
sacrifice  are  the  pueri  patrimi  et  matrimi  nohiles, —  the 
Roman  camilli. 


63 


BIBLIOGEAPHY 

(In  the  following  works  may  be  found  illustrations  of  those 
Koman  reliefs  and  statues  herein  discussed  which  have  been 
adequately  published.) 

Amelung,  W.  Di  Alcime  Sculture  Anticbe  e  di  un  Eito  del  Culto  delle 
Divinita  Sotterranee.  (Dissertazioni  della  Pontificia  Accademia 
Eomana  di  Areheologia,  1907.) 

Amelung,  W.  Die  Sculpturen  des  Vaticanischen  Museum.  Berlin,  1903. 
(II,  No.  102n.) 

Bruim,  H.  and  Axndt,  P.    Denkmaler  griechisclier  und  romisclier  Sculp- 

tur.     Munich,  1897-        .     (Taf.  316.) 
Frohner,  W.     La  Colonne  Trajane.     Paris,  1872-1874.     (I,  35;  II,  76; 

III,  116,  120,  129,  132,  134.) 

]VIariani,    L.      Sculture   provenienti    della    Galleria    sotto    il    Quirinale. 

(Bulletino  Communale,  1901.) 
Petersen,  E.    Die  Marcus-Saiile.    Munich,  1896.     (Taf.  38B.) 
Strong,  E.     Eoman  Sculpture.     London,  1907.     (PI.  V,  IX (2),  LXVI, 

XCI(8),  XCII(9).) 
Wilpert,    G-.      Un    Capitolo    di    Storia    del    Vestiario,    II,    Studio    IV. 

(L'Arte,  1899.)     (Fig.  2a,  4a,  7a,  9a,  11a,  12a,  13a.) 


64 


LIFE 

I  was  born  August  23,  1878,  in  Morristown,  ]^.  J.,  and 
was  prepared  for  college  at  Lyndon  Hall,  PougKkeepsie,  !N".  Y. 
After  graduation  from  Vassar  in  1899,  I  continued  my  work 
there  in  Greek  and  Archaeology  for  one  year.  In  1900  I  was 
given  a  Curtis  Scholarship  in  Columbia  University  and  in 
1901  there  received  the  degree  of  M.A.  In  1902  I  went  to 
Athens  as  holder  of  the  Agnes  Hoppin  Memorial  Fellowship 
in  the  American  School  of  Classical  Studies.    From  1903  to 

1907  I  was  instructor  in  Greek  at  Vassar  College.  In  1907  I 
returned  to  Columbia  as  holder  of  the  Mary  Richardson  and 
Lydia  Pratt  Babbott  Fellowship  from  Vassar  College,  and  in 

1908  was  appointed  Lecturer  in  Art  and  Archaeology  for  one 
year  at  Bryn  Mawr  College,  in  the  absence  of  the  head  of  the 
Department.  During  the  following  year  I  completed  the 
required  work  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  at 
Columbia  University. 

In  Athens  I  attended  the  lectures  given  by  Dr.  Dorpfeld 
and  Dr.  Wilhelm  in  addition  to  the  regular  work  of  the 
School.  Of  the  Columbia  Faculty  I  am  indebted  to  the 
instruction  of  Professors  Young,  Wheeler,  and  Perry,  Olcott, 
Egbert,  and  McCrea. 

I  have  published  the  following  articles :  "  On  Dating  Early 
Attic  Inscriptions,"  printed  in  the  American  Journal  of 
Archaeology,  1906,  :N"o.  4,  pp.  394^-404;  "Papyrus  Frag- 
ments of  Euripides,"  printed  in  The  Classical  Weekly, 
March  13,  1909. 


65 


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